


























'.10 







































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foingg and Ctueeng of CngianD 

EDITED BY 

ROBERT S. RAIT M.A. and WILLIAM PAGE F.S.A- 



HENRY II 



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■ "9 • ' &jfd 



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GREAT SEAL OF HENRY AS KING 
(Obverse \) 



HENRY II 



BY 



L. F. &ALZMANN B.A. RS.A. 



ILLUSTRATED 




BOSTON AND NEW YORK 
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY 

1914 



-S3 






Printed by Baixantynk, Hanson £r» Cc. 
at the Ballantyue Press. Edinburgh 



CONTENTS 



CHAP. PAGE 

I. HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 



1 

14 
26 
40 
50 
101 



II. HENRY II., KING OF ENGLAND 

III. THE WELSH WARS 

IV. FOREIGN AFFAIRS 
V. THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET . 

VI. IRISH AFFAIRS .... 
VII. THE REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING . 122 

VIII. HENRY AND HIS SONS — HIS DOWNFALL AND 

DEATH 145 

IX. LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF 

THE REIGN 175 

X. FINANCE 194 

XI. THE ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II. . 212 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 236 

APPENDIX 

ITINERARY OF HENRY II. ... 241 
INDEX 253 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



great seal of henry as king (Obverse) frontispiece 



SEALS OF HENRY AS DUKE OF NORMANDY fating 6 



great seal of henry as king (Reverse) 

MAP ILLUSTRATING THE CAMPAIGNS OF 
HENRY II. IN FRANCE 

SEAL OF- LOUIS VII 

SEAL OF ROGER, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK 

HENRY II. DISPUTING WITH BECKET 

SEAL OF THE "YOUNG KING"" HENRY 

THE MURDER OF BECKET . 

IRISHWOMAN PLAYING A ZITHER "I 
IRISHMEN ROWING IN A CORACLE J 



IRISH AXEMEN 

SEAL OF WILLIAM THE LION 

SEALS OF GEOFFREY, SON OF HENRY II. , AND 

CONSTANCE OF BRITTANY, HIS WIFE 
vii 



14 

40 
44 

56 
64 
90 

98 

104 

110 
140 

144 



Vlll 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



SEAL OF JOAN, DAUGHTER OF HENRY II. facing 150 



SEAL OF THOMAS BECKET, ARCHBISHOP OF 

CANTERBURY 
SEAL OF HUGH, BISHOP OF LINCOLN 

SEAL OF GEOFFREY THE BASTARD, AS 

BISHOP-ELECT OF LINCOLN 
SEAL OF JOHN AS COUNT OF MORTAIN 

TOMB OF HENRY II. AT FONTEVRAULT 

SILVER PENNIES .... 



156 
170 

174 

208 



HENRY II 

CHAPTER I 

HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 

When the White Ship went down on 25th 
November 1120, carrying with her the only legiti- 
mate son of Henry I., the succession to the English 
throne became a question of great moment. Henry's 
daughter, Maud, had been married to Henry V., 
Emperor of Germany, in 1114 ; it was clearly im- 
possible for England and Normandy to be ruled in 
conjunction with the Empire, and Maud had no 
children to whom her father's crown might pass. 
The king's unruly brother, Robert of Normandy, 
was still alive, but a prisoner in England; and his 
son William, the most formidable candidate for the 
throne, was destined to die in Flanders in 1128. 
But before death had removed this dangerous and 
unpopular competitor, a fresh solution of the diffi- 
culty had become possible. Maud's husband, the 
emperor, had died in 1125, 1 and on 1st January 1127, 

1 Later writers, anxious to depreciate Henry II. even to the extent 
of making him illegitimate, and his mother a bigamist, retailed a 
legend to the effect that the Emperor Henry V. had not died at this 
time, but had retired secretly into a monastery : Giraldus Cam- 
brensis, Op. viii. 300. 

A 



2 HENRY II [1129-31 

King Henry declared Maud his heir, and caused the 
peers to swear to accept her as his successor in 
England and in Normandy. There was no precedent 
for female sovereignty in either country, and it was 
probably not anticipated that she should reign alone, 
but rather that she should by marriage bestow the 
crown upon some fitting partner. The important 
matter of this marriage Henry had virtually under- 
taken to submit to the decision of his barons, but 
at the end of May 1127 he betrothed her, with an 
absence of preparation that amounted almost to 
secrecy, to Geoffrey, son of Count Fulk of Anjou, a 
boy of fourteen, eleven years the junior of his bride. 
The marriage, as Henry had foreseen, was unpopular, 
though the addition of the neighbouring provinces 
of Anjou and Maine to Normandy made the King of 
England the most powerful of all the feudatories of 
France. 

The marriage of Geoffrey, now Count of Anjou, 
and Maud took place in June 1129, but within a few 
weeks the quick-tempered count and his haughty 
bride had quarrelled and separated, and it was not 
until the autumn of 1131 that they came together 
again. Their reunion was made by Henry the 
occasion for causing his barons to renew their oath 
of allegiance to Maud as his successor, thereby quash- 
ing any objection that might have been made to the 
previous oath as invalidated by her marriage. The 
king was now more than sixty years old, and his 
anxiety for the future of his country and his dynasty 



1133-42] HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 3 

must have been greatly relieved by the birth of a son 
to Geoffrey and Maud on the 25th March 1133. The 
boy was called Henry, after his grandfather, and it 
is significant of the predominance attaching to his 
mother, as heiress of England and Normandy, that 
the title by which he was most commonly known to 
his contemporaries was that of Henry Fitz-Empress. 

The death of Henry I., on 1st December 1135, 
seems to have taken the empress and her partisans 
by surprise. She went almost at once into Normandy 
to press her claims, half-heartedly and with little 
success ; but in the meanwhile her cousin, Stephen of 
Blois, nephew of the late king, had crossed into 
England, and, with the assistance of his brother, 
Henry, Bishop of Winchester, had caused himself to 
be crowned king on 22nd December. The Norman 
barons accepted Stephen, and the final blow was given 
to Maud's cause by the Pope's declaration in favour 
of her rival. Her half-brother, however, Earl Robert 
of Gloucester, was not long in forming a party to sup- 
port the claims of Maud and her son in England, 
and in 1139 Maud herself crossed the Channel with a 
small body of troops. With the varying fortunes of 
the long-continued war between the empress and 
Stephen we are not concerned, but it was when 
Maud's cause was almost at its worst, in the winter 
of 1142, that her young son Henry, then in his tenth 
year, came over in charge of his uncle, Earl Robert, 
and was settled at Bristol. There he remained for 
four years under the tuition of a certain Master 



4 HENRY II [1143-7 

Matthew, who cultivated in him that love for learn- 
ing which made him in later days the most literary 
prince of his time and a worthy successor of his 
scholarly grandfather. 

During those four years Henry's father, Geoffrey 
of Anjou, had been strengthening his position on 
the Continent, though apparently making no effort 
to assist his wife in her struggle with Stephen. By 
the end of 1143 he had secured control of the greater 
part of Normandy, and early in 1144 Rouen sur- 
rendered and Geoffrey was recognised as Duke of 
Normandy. Having established himself securely he 
now sent for his son to join him, and accordingly, 
late in 1146, or at the beginning of the next year, 
Earl Robert of Gloucester escorted young Henry to 
Wareham and there bade farewell to him. Uncle 
and nephew were destined to meet no more, for on 
31st October 1147 Earl Robert died. Immediately 
the earl's death was known, Earl Gilbert of Pem- 
broke, whose castle of Pevensey was then undergoing 
a siege, urged Henry's return. He considered that 
the only hope for the empress's cause, now that its 
mainstay had departed, lay in the presence of 
Henry in England. The boy — he was only four- 
i teen — hurriedly crossed with a few companions, 
landed at one of the western ports, and made feeble 
attacks on Cricklade and Bourton, in Gloucestershire, 
from which he was easily driven off. His forces 
dwindled rather than increased, and his scanty supply 
of money soon came to an end. An application to 



1147] HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 5 

his mother for further funds proved ineffectual, as 
she was in the same straits herself. He then turned 
to the Earl of Gloucester for assistance ; but Earl 
William was very different from his father ; he cared 
little for war, had no enthusiasm for the cause of 
his cousin, and saw no reason why he should waste 
his treasure on a desperate and hopeless enterprise. 
Unable for lack of funds either to continue his in- 
judicious venture or to leave the country, the 
humiliated prince had to apply for help to the rival 
whom he had so rashly attacked. Stephen, always 
chivalrous and good-natured even to weakness, in 
spite of the opposition and remonstrances of his 
advisers, at once supplied Henry with the necessary 
means of returning to his father's court, where, in 
the early spring of 1148, he was joined by his mother, 
the empress. 1 

Geoffrey, now that he was firmly established in 
Normandy, seems to have begun to plan the 

1 Mr. Round {Feudal England, 491-4) rejects the " Invasion of 
1147," of which the only mention is the account given in the Oesta 
Stephani, and considers that the events recorded relate to Henry's 
visit in 1149. He is undoubtedly right in pointing out that the 
chronicler confused Henry's unwarlike cousin, Earl William of Glou- 
cester, with his loyal uncle, Earl Robert, making the latter refuse to 
give that help which, had he then been living, he would certainly have 
rendered to the utmost of his ability. On the other hand, what we 
know of Henry's visit to England in 1149 is quite inconsistent with 
the wretched fiasco described in the Gesta, and when Mr. Round argues 
that " the statement that Henry applied for help to his mother by no 
means involves . . . her presence in England at the time," it is 
difficult to follow his argument. Had Henry applied for money 
to any one outside England it would presumably have been to his 
father, and, moreover, in 1149 the empress could not have been in 
straitened circumstances. 



6 HENRY II [1149 

aggrandisement of his son, in whose right he had ob- 
tained the duchy. And so, in April 1149, Henry was 
sent to England to receive the honour of knighthood 
from King David of Scotland, his mother's uncle. 
Landing, probably, at Wareham, he made a brief 
stay at Devizes, where we find in his company Roger, 
Earl of Hereford, Patrick, Earl of Salisbury, William 
Beauchamp, John St. John, Roger Berkeley, Hubert 
de Vaux, Henry Hussey, Manser Bisset and others. 1 
Thence he passed peacefully northwards, the whole of 
western England being in the hands of magnates, such 
as the Earls of Leicester and Warwick, who were 
friendly to his cause or at least hostile to that of 
Stephen. To Carlisle he was brought by Earl Ralph 
of Chester, and there he was received by King David 
and his son Henry, Earl of Northumberland, and on 
Whitsunday, 22nd May, was duly invested with 
the insignia of knighthood. Henry and his ally of 
Scotland now persuaded the powerful Earl of Chester 
to join forces with them against Stephen, but before 
this scheme could be carried out King Stephen had 
outbid his rivals and bought the support of the earl 
by a bestowal of fiefs so lavish as to render him 
almost king of northern England. 

Returning to his father in January 1150, Henry 
was invested with the dukedom of Normandy. But 
a little more than a year later Stephen's son, Eustace, 
persuaded King Louis of France, with whom Geoffrey 

1 See list of witnesses to charter executed at Devizes on 13th April, 
1149 : Sarum Charters (Rolls Ser.), 16. 




SEALS OF HENRY AS DUKE OF NORMANDY (f) 



H50-2] HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 7 

had quarrelled, to assist him in regaining Normandy. 
The allies advanced as far as Arques, where they were 
opposed by the forces under the young duke. Henry 
here exhibited that scrupulous respect for his feudal 
overlord, the King of France, which he displayed 
so conspicuously in later years, and acted on the 
defensive, refusing to attack his suzerain. Eustace 
was a man of warlike spirit, but King Louis, who, 
though not averse to war, seems to have had a pro- 
found distaste for fighting, did not care to risk a 
battle and retired for the time. Later in the year he 
despatched another force to operate against Mantes, 
but Geoffrey now came to terms and agreed to sur- 
render the Vexin, the borderland between France 
and Normandy, on condition that Louis should 
confirm Henry in the possession of the rest of the 
Norman duchy, and these terms the French king 
gladly accepted. 

Henry had now established his claim to half of 
his grandfather's dominions, and began to plan the 
recovery of the remainder by an invasion of England. 
His plans, however, were interfered with by the 
sudden death of his father on 7th September 1151. 
The recovery of England was postponed, but a 
great accession of territory was obtained by Henry 
in the following spring. Louis VII. had married 
Eleanor, the heiress of Aquitaine, in 1137, but 
relations between the able and energetic queen and 
her feeble husband had gradually become strained to 
breaking, and at last, early in 1152, they discovered 



8 HENRY II [1152 

that they ought never to have married, being related 
to one another, distantly but within the degrees 
theoretically prohibited by the Church. 1 A divorce 
was granted on 18th March, and Eleanor, avoiding 
the too pressing attentions of Count Theobald of 
Blois and Geoffrey of Anjou, Henry's younger 
brother, intimated her willingness to bestow her 
hand and great possessions upon the Duke of Nor- 
mandy. Henry, now nineteen, but with a reputa- 
tion that many an older man might have envied, 
hastened at once to meet Eleanor at Poitiers, and 
they were married in May. By this marriage Henry 
became master of Aquitaine and Poitou, in addition 
to Anjou, Maine, and Normandy, and his rule reached 
from the Channel to the Pyrenees. 

He now once more prepared for the invasion of 
England, and was assembling his forces at Barfleur 
in June when he found himself called upon to face 
the combined forces of Eleanor's late husband, King 
Louis, and her disappointed suitors, Count Theobald 
and Geoffrey of Anjou. Henry displayed the energy 
and rapidity of movement which in later years made 
the French king declare that he must be able to fly, 
dashed down to Pacey and prepared to attack the 
French forces, but Louis, with his usual discretion, 
retired at once. Henry promptly turned north to 
crush the rebellious Richer of L'Aigle and destroy 
his robbers' castle of Bonmoulins. The Norman 

1 The connection between Louis and Eleanor was very distant, but 
a literal observance of the Canon Law would have invalidated the 
marriages of half the nobility of Europe. 



1153] HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 9 

frontier had been secured before the end of August, 
and the duke was free to turn his hand against his 
brother Geoffrey, which he did very effectually, 
reducing Montsoreau and compelling Geoffrey to sue 
for peace. A truce patched up between Henry and 
Louis was speedily renounced by the latter, but Henry, 
estimating his adversary's military abilities at a low 
rate, continued his preparations for the invasion 
of England, and eventually crossed about the second 
week in January 1153, with a fleet of thirty-six 
ships. 

It was probably at Wareham that Henry landed 
with his hundred and forty men-at-arms and three 
thousand infantry, and he would seem to have gone 
straight to Bristol, where he was joined by those 
magnates who had supported his cause in the past, 
or who considered that it would be to their advan- 
tage to do so in the future. Operations were at 
once begun against Malmesbury Castle, and the 
outer works were speedily carried, but the massive 
keep was too strong to be stormed and could only 
be reduced by starvation. Meanwhile Stephen had 
collected his forces and was marching to the rescue ; 
after halting for the night at Cirencester he advanced 
to the relief of Malmesbury, but found the little 
Avon swollen and impassable, while a bitter wind 
and blinding rain and sleet, driving in the faces of 
his men, made it impossible for him to advance or to 
retain his position. Abandoning his enterprise, the 
king marched back to London, and the castellan 



10 HENRY II [H53 

Jordan had no choice but to surrender. Enheartened 
by the capture of Malmesbury, Henry now directed 
his energies to the particular business which had 
brought him over — the relief of Wallingford. During 
the past five or six years, although the country as 
a whole had been at peace, some of the more rest- 
less spirits had carried on a sort of war on their own 
account, and of these one of the most prominent had 
been Brian Fitz-Count of Wallingford. In 1152 he 
had managed to destroy the castles set up at Bright- 
well and Reading to keep him in check, and Stephen 
had been obliged to besiege Wallingford Castle and 
blockade it by the erection of counter-works at 
Crowmarsh. Finding themselves in difficulties, the 
garrison had sent over to Henry for assistance, and 
he now came to the rescue and invested Crowmarsh. 
An outlying portion of the royalist siege works on 
Wallingford Bridge had already fallen into his 
hands, when Stephen once more offered fight. Henry, 
for his part, was very willing to give battle and drew 
out his forces, but the desire of the prelates to avoid 
further bloodshed, and the fear of the barons that a 
decisive victory might destroy the balance of power 
between the two parties and so render their own 
services less marketable, resulted in secret negotia- 
tions, and compelled the rivals to agree to a truce 
for five days, though suggestions for a more permanent 
cessation of hostilities, made at a private interview 
between Henry and Stephen, came to nothing. The 
terms of the truce were highly favourable to Henry, 



1153] HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 11 

the king being obliged to withdraw his garrison from 
Crowmarsh and allow the fortifications to be dis- 
mantled. 

Wallingford having been relieved, and the royalists 
under William Cheyney and Richard de Lucy having 
been defeated in a cavalry action near Oxford, 
Henry seems to have recruited his forces in the 
western counties, visiting Evesham and Warwick, 
where the Countess Gundreda handed over to him 
the castle, from which she had ejected Stephen's 
garrison. Then, turning eastwards, he besieged and 
captured Stamford Castle about the same time that 
Stephen reduced Ipswich. The duke next plundered 
Nottingham, but did not attempt to take the castle. 
By this time the peace party were beginning to 
gain the upper hand, and the efforts of Archbishop 
Theobald and Bishop Henry of Winchester gained 
strength by the removal of their chief opponent, 
the king's son, Eustace of Boulogne. That bellicose 
ruffian, enraged at the tame conclusion of the 
Wallingford affair, had gone off on a ravaging 
expedition in the eastern counties. After plunder- 
ing Cambridgeshire he paid a similar attention to 
the lands of Bury St. Edmunds, rashly pillaging 
the monastic lands on St. Laurence's Day (10th 
August). The offended saints were not slow to 
avenge the outrage, and within a week Eustace 
lay dead. With his death died Stephen's hopes of 
founding a dynasty, for his younger son, William, 
had borne no part in the civil war and possessed 



12 HENRY II [H53 

neither the desire nor the ability to contest the crown 
with Henry. 

After some weeks of negotiation a compromise 
was at last arrived at by which Stephen was to retain 
the crown for life on condition of acknowledging 
Henry as his heir, and on 6th November 1153 this 
agreement was ratified by the peers in council at 
Winchester ; the rivals were reconciled and the barons 
of both parties did homage to the king and his suc- 
cessor. From Winchester the double court moved 
to London, where the news of the termination of the 
long and ruinous struggle was received with the 
greatest enthusiasm ; and after Christmas king and 
duke met once more, at Oxford, on 13th January 
1154, just a year since Henry had landed in England. 
A little later, when they met again, at Dunstable, 
Henry reproached Stephen for not having fulfilled 
one of the conditions of the treaty of peace, which 
was that the castles built since the death of Henry I. 
should be destroyed. The task was no small one, 
as these so-called adulterine castles had sprung up 
all over the country and were estimated by Robert 
of Torigny, usually an accurate authority, to number 
eleven hundred and fifteen. Stephen resented the 
charge of ill-faith, but the quarrel, if it deserve the 
name, was soon made up, and the two princes went 
down to Dover together in February to meet the 
Count and Countess of Flanders. While there it is 
said that Stephen's Flemish mercenaries, without 
his knowledge but with the connivance of his son 



1154] HENRY FITZ-EMPRESS 13 

William, planned to murder Henry. Whether a 
rumour of the plot reached his ears or whether he 
considered that affairs in Normandy required his 
presence, Henry soon afterwards parted from the 
king and returned to Normandy, where he spent the 
next five months strengthening his position. With 
King Louis he was now on good terms ; and he was 
actually engaged in a military expedition on that 
king's behalf when the throne of England fell to 
him by the death of Stephen on 25th October 1154. 



CHAPTER II 

HENRY II., KING OF ENGLAND 

Henry ascended the throne of England in singularly 
favourable circumstances. Still young, his character 
had been formed and his reputation had been estab- 
lished on the battle-fields of England and Normandy. 
Far inferior to his predecessor in personal character, 
he was as far his superior in kingcraft, possessing just 
those talents necessary for his position which the 
chivalrous, kindly, and erratic Stephen lacked. Some- 
thing of this, which was to be demonstrated by the 
history of his reign, was already obvious, and the 
bulk of his English subjects were strongly pre- 
possessed in his favour. The Church was on his 
side; the greater barons cared little who was king so 
long as their titles and their revenues were assured to 
them ; the lesser lords and the peasantry, exhausted 
and impoverished by the twenty years of anarchy, 
welcomed a ruler strong enough to curb the lawless 
feuds of semi -independent chieftains, while, above all, 
there was no other claimant to the throne, the only 
possible rival, Stephen's son, William, Earl of Warenne 
and Surrey, being, fortunately for himself, quite 
unambitious of regal honours. Possessing great 
powers of physical endurance, Henry was as active 

14 




GREAT SEAL OF HENRY AS KING 
(Reverse J) 



1154] HENRY II., KING OF ENGLAND 15 

in mind as in body, a well-read scholar and an accom- 
plished linguist ; short, sturdy, with coarse hands 
and freckled face, unkempt and careless in his dress, 
he overcame the disadvantages of an unattractive 
appearance by his courtesy and the charm of his 
manner, which made him formidable in diplomacy 
or love. Although inheriting the volcanic temper 
of his Angevin forefathers and liable to outbursts of 
diabolic rage, he ruled his hot blood with a cool head, 
practically never allowing his feelings to dictate his 
policy and but rarely indulging in acts of cruelty or 
revenge. He was non-religious rather than irre- 
ligious, non-moral rather than immoral ; though he 
made no attempt to bridle his lust, there is no reason 
to suppose that any of his numerous mistresses were 
unwilling victims ; and though his irreverence and 
contempt of the Church's sacraments shocked his 
contemporaries, he admired and chose for his friends 
such men as St. Hugh of Lincoln. Clear-sighted and 
self-centred, Henry was emphatically a strong man ; 
and it is the irony of fate that the weak spot which 
was to prove his ruin lay in his most unselfish and 
amiable trait, his affection for his family. 

Not the least of Henry's qualifications for the 
kingship was his ability to select the right men for 
his ministers. It is possible that Archbishop Theo- 
bald may have had some influence in the appointment 
of the brilliant young Archdeacon of Canterbury, 
Thomas Becket, to the high office of Chancellor, but 
the king may be given the credit for choosing Robert, 



16 HENRY II [1154 

Earl of Leicester, and Richard of Lucy as Justiciars. 
All three appointments proved to have been well 
made, and the first two were probably made before 
the coronation. 1 At this ceremony, on 19th Decem- 
ber, besides the Archbishop of Canterbury, to whose 
see belonged the privilege of crowning the king, there 
were present the Archbishops of York and of Rouen, 
fourteen English bishops and the bishops of Bayeux, 
Lisieux, and Avranches, numbers of foreign noblemen, 
including Dietrich, Count of Flanders, and a multi- 
tude of English and Norman lords. There were the 
king's two brothers — Geoffrey, with whom he was 
shortly to be at war for the second time, and William, 
for whose benefit he was no doubt already planning 
the conquest of Ireland ; there were the royal officers 
Henry of Essex, Constable of England, Richard de 
Humet, Constable of Normandy, Warin Fitz-Gerald, 
the Chamberlain, and Hugh, Earl of Norfolk, heredi- 
tary High Steward ; and there amongst the brilliant 
crowd would be such great lords as Reynold, Earl 
of Cornwall, son of King Henry I., and William, Earl 
of Arundel, the confirmation of whose privileges and 
estates was one of the new king's first acts. Abbots, 
royal chaplains, clerks of the Chancery and Ex- 
chequer, wealthy merchants and burgesses, and the 
ladies of the court with their attendants, whose gay 
robes formed but the highest tone in an assembly 

1 It is not quite certain when Richard de Luci was associated with 
the Earl of Leicester in the justiciarship, but the earl was clearly 
Chief Justiciar until his death in 1168, and may have held the superior 
position by priority of appointment. 



1154] KING OF ENGLAND 17 

blazing with colour, complete the picture. Yet of 
all those in whose presence Henry swore to follow 
in the footsteps of his grandfather, to maintain the 
good laws of the realm and to abate the bad, very 
few were English and few even spoke the English 
tongue. The governing classes in Church and State 
were Norman by lineage, language, and sympathy, 
and at a time when an Englishman sat in St. Peter's 
chair l scarce any of his compatriots held offices of 
trust in their native country. The fusion of English 
and Norman, which had already spread so far in the 
lower ranks of society, only began to affect the higher 
ranks in the course of the reign of Henry, who, by 
the ultimate failure of his life-long policy, was to give 
the English nation its individuality. 

The affairs of the kingdom could not be neglected 
for coronation festivities, and at his Christmas court, 
held at Bermondsey, Henry took the first step for 
ensuring peace by the expulsion of the lawless Flemish 
mercenaries. Their leader, William of Ipres, was 
allowed to retain the large revenues from lands in 
Kent granted to him by Stephen and well earned by 
his loyalty and skill, and some few of his followers 
were sent to join the colony of Flemings established 
on the borders of Wales, but the bulk of the " Flemish 
wolves " were packed off to satisfy their appetite for 
war and plunder on the Continent. Having thus 
disposed of these alien robbers, the king had next 

1 Nicholas Brakespere, the only Englishman to attain the papacy, 
was elected pope and took the title of Adrian IV. in December 1154. 

B 



18 HENRY II H154 

to deal with those of his own subjects who had abused 
their own powers and the weakness of the central 
government during the anarchy to extend their 
possessions at the expense of the royal demesnes 
and to strengthen their position by the erection 
of castles. The destruction of the " adulterine " 
castles, erected without royal licence, had been pro- 
mised, and to some extent performed, by Stephen 
in the last months of his reign, 1 but Henry now 
determined to complete the work and at the same 
time to revoke the grants of royal demesne whether 
made by King Stephen or by the empress. 

In thus recovering the Crown lands the king was 
no doubt partly influenced by the desire to increase 
the very scanty royal revenues, and partly by his 
deliberate anti-feudal policy. It did not require the 
acute intelligence which Henry possessed to learn 
from the events of the last twenty years that it 
would be wise to clip the wings of the great barons, 
who threatened to overshadow the throne itself, and 
to play for popular support. It was clearly to his 
interest that the people should be prosperous, con- 
tented, and loyal, and he was not slow to adopt 
measures which would render the nobles less able 
alike to oppose the Crown and to oppress the people. 
Throughout his reign he acted on these anti -feudal 
principles. Although Henry had a distinct appre- 
ciation of justice, it may be doubted if the legal 

1 Roger of Hoveden mentions in particular the Yorkshire castle of 
Drax as one of the last of many destroyed by Stephen. 



1155] KING OF ENGLAND 19 

reforms, which were in many ways the most important 
features of his reign, would ever have seen the light 
had they not tended towards the elevation of the 
smaller men and the consequent depression of the 
greater. With a few exceptions it will be found that 
when Henry required, as he usually did, to increase 
his revenues by means of doubtful legality, he pre- 
ferred to extort large sums from the wealthy rather 
than an equivalent multitude of small amounts from 
the poorer classes. So also the frequent substitution 
of money payments for military service helped to 
discourage the maintenance of large bands of armed 
retainers, kept nominally for the king's service but 
liable to be used for the furthering of their lord's 
ambition. Yet in all cases Henry acted with a wise 
moderation, which, leaving the great lords in posses- 
sion of their titles and estates, left them in the posi- 
tion of having more to lose than gain by rebellion. 

The king's orders were as a whole acquiesced in 
with little resistance, the estates wrested from the 
Crown were restored, the castles demolished, life and 
property were once more secure, commerce revived, 
the merchants came forth to find customers and the 
Jews to seek their debtors. But William of Aumale, 
Earl of Yorkshire, who, under Stephen, had enjoyed 
a semi-regal independence, hesitated to conform to 
the new state of affairs, and prepared to offer armed 
resistance to the king's demands. Henry left Oxford, 
whither he had gone at the beginning of the new year, 
1155, and moved slowly northwards, halting appa- 



20 HENRY II [1155 

rently at Northampton to re-create Hugh Bigot, Earl 
of Norfolk, his charter taking the form of a re-creation 
rather than a confirmation, possibly as a hint to the 
shifty earl that his dignities were not secure beyond 
all risk. By the time that the king reached York 
Earl William, finding himself unsupported, had recon- 
sidered his position and wisely submitted to the royal 
demands, surrendering his fortress of Scarborough. 
A precipitous bluff projecting into the sea, whose 
waves washed it on three sides, joined to the main- 
land only on the west by a narrow neck, the rock 
of Scarborough presented an ideal spot for the rear- 
ing of a castle, and here accordingly the earl had 
set his great stronghold, surrounding the spacious 
plateau on the top of the cliff with a wall, digging a 
well, and building a keep four-square upon the narrow 
neck by which alone access was possible. Nestling 
against the western base of the rock lay the little 
town of Scarborough, itself surrounded with a wall 
and thus forming an outwork of the castle. The 
position was too formidable to be left in the hands 
of a subject, and King Henry took care to retain it 
for the remainder of his reign ; and when in the course 
of a few years the earl's keep fell into decay, it was 
rebuilt and enlarged at a cost equivalent to some 
£10,000 of modern money, the work beginning in 1159 
and spreading over the next three years. 1 

1 After his description of Earl William's great castle of Scar- 
borough, William de Neuburgh adds that when in course of time it 
fell into decay, King Henry rebuilt it. It is rather surprising to find 
how soon this occurred, but the Pipe Roll for 1159 shows £111 spent 



1155] KING OF ENGLAND 21 

On his way either to or from York Henry appears 
to have visited Lincoln, the priory of Spalding, and 
the great abbeys of Peterborough, Thorney, and 
Ramsey. The news of the king's approach to 
Nottingham so stirred the guilty conscience of 
William Peverel, burdened with the murder of the 
Earl of Chester, that he sought to save body and 
soul at the expense of his possessions by becoming 
a monk in a priory of which he was himself patron 
at Lenton. It was no doubt while in the neighbour- 
hood of Nottingham that the king received informa- 
tion of the birth of his second son, Henry, on 
28th February, and shortly afterwards he returned 
to London, where he held a council at the end of 
March. During the previous three months Roger, 
Earl of Hereford, had been contemplating resistance 
to the king's demands for the surrender of his castles, 
but the arguments of his kinsman, Gilbert Foliot, 
Bishop of Hereford, supported by the success of 
Henry's expedition into Yorkshire, brought him to 
a wiser mind, and he placed the castles of Hereford 
and Gloucester in the king's hands. Hugh de 
Mortimer, however, the great lord of the Welsh 
Marches, who had been the chief instigator of Earl 
Roger's disaffection, maintained his attitude of oppo- 
sition and fortified his castles of Cleobury, Wigmore, 

" on the works of the castle of Scardeburc," and £70 spent on the 
works of the " tower " (turris), a term which Mr. Round has shown 
to imply a keep. Next year £94, 3s. 4d. was spent on the keep, and 
the following year £107, 6s. 8d. on the castle. 



22 HENRY II [1155 

and Bridgnorth. Henry accordingly moved west, 
halting at Wallingford, where on 10th April he held a 
council at which the nobles swore allegiance to his 
elder son William, or in the event of his death, which 
occurred the following year, to the infant Henry. 
Mortimer's strongholds were invested and, after some 
resistance, reduced, he himself making his peace with 
the king at Bridgnorth early in July. 

With the collapse of Mortimer's rebellion all active 
opposition to the king ceased. Henry, Bishop of 
Winchester, brother of the late King Stephen, having 
possibly displayed his sympathy with the defeated 
party too prominently, deemed it prudent to retire 
to the Continent, leaving his castles to share the fate 
of other private fortresses. Peace being thus ensured 
in England, King Henry was at liberty to look abroad, 
and at a council held in Winchester at Michaelmas he 
broached the subject of the conquest of Ireland, pro- 
posing to subdue that turbulent and uncivilised 
country and place it under the rule of his brother 
William. To strengthen his position and justify his 
action he sent John of Salisbury to represent to 
the pope the urgent need for reform, ecclesiastical 
and political, in Ireland. The pope at this time, 
Adrian IV., was an Englishman, his father being a 
poor clerk of Langley, who entered the monastery of 
St. Albans shortly after his son's birth : the young 
Nicholas Brakespere, endeavouring to follow his 
father's example, was rejected by the authorities at 
St. Albans and went out of England to Provence, 



1155-6] KING OF ENGLAND 23 

where he rose to be abbot of St. Ruphus ; his monks, 
regretting their election of a foreigner, appealed to 
the pope to depose him, and he again prospered by 
rejection, as he was at once promoted to the bishopric 
of Albano and made papal legate to Scandinavia, 
where his success was so great that, upon the death 
of Pope Eugenius III., in December 1154, he was 
elected to the papacy, taking the title of Adrian IV. 
Pope Adrian heartily approved of Henry's project, 
and sent back John of Salisbury with a letter com- 
mending the proposed crusade and an emerald ring 
symbolic of the sovereignty of Ireland, with which 
he invested Henry by virtue of the alleged supremacy 
of the popes over all islands. 1 Feeling in England, 
however, does not seem to have been in favour of 
the expedition, and the empress, doubtless foreseeing 
that William would find the Irish throne an insecure 
position of little glory and less profit, strongly opposed 
the project. Her influence with her son was sufficient 
to cause him to abandon the idea, or at least to post- 
pone it until a more favourable opportunity. 

Henry kept Christmas at Westminster, and early 
in January 1156 sailed from Dover for Normandy, 
his last act before leaving being to re-create Aubrey 
de Vere, who the previous year had paid 500 marks 
to be High Chamberlain of England, 2 Earl of Oxford. 

1 The claim of the popes to the sovereignty over islands was based 
upon the forged " Donation " of Constantino. 

2 This payment of 500 marks, entered under Essex on the lost 
Pipe Roll for the first year of Henry II., is copied into the Red Book 
of the Exchequer. 



24 HENRY II [1156-7 

At the beginning of the next month he met Louis VII. 
on the borders of France and Normandy and did 
homage to him for all his continental possessions, 
including Anjou and Maine, which his brother Geoffrey 
claimed under his father's will. Geoffrey, persisting 
in his claims and refusing Henry's offers of com- 
pensation, garrisoned his castles of Loudun, Chinon, 
and Mirabeau. By the beginning of July the two 
latter were in the king's hands, and Geoffrey had 
agreed to be content with retaining Loudun and a 
money pension. Shortly afterwards the people of 
Nantes and Lower Brittany expelled their ruler, 
Count Hoel, and elected Geoffrey in his place. Henry 
gladly assented to the election, and upon Geoffrey's 
death in 1158 successfully enforced his own claims, 
as heir to his brother, against Conan, Earl of Rich- 
mond and Count of Upper Brittany. 

The king's first daughter, Maud, had been born at 
London early in the summer, and towards the end 
of August Queen Eleanor crossed from England and 
joined her husband in Anjou The court returned 
to England in April 1157, and a short tour was 
made through the eastern counties, the king wear- 
ing his crown in state at Bury St. Edmunds on 
19th May and staying the following week at Col- 
chester. In continuation of his former policy he 
now caused William de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, 
to surrender the castles of Norwich and Pevensey, 
which he had hitherto retained, apparently compen- 
sating him by further additions to his great estates 



1157] KING OF ENGLAND 25 

in Norfolk. 1 Earl Hugh of Norfolk was also deprived 
of his castles, and in Essex one of Earl Geoffrey's 
strongholds was destroyed. 

Henry was now so firmly established on the throne 
that he could insist upon a far more important re- 
sumption of territory, and accordingly he demanded 
from the young King Malcolm of Scotland the cession 
of Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland. 
Malcolm, unable to offer any effective resistance to 
his demands, travelled south through Yorkshire and 
Lincolnshire to the castle of the Peak. Meanwhile 
Henry, after holding a council on 17th July at 
Northampton, where he left the queen, was moving 
westwards. The two kings met at the Peak and 
passed on together to Chester, where Malcolm form- 
ally restored the northern counties, receiving in ex- 
change the earldom of Huntingdon, for which he did 
homage to Henry. The Scottish king then returned 
to his own country to repress the rebellion raised by 
his nobles in indignation at his surrender to the 
English demands, while Henry completed his arrange- 
ments for the invasion of North Wales. 

1 There are numerous references to the " nova terra " of Earl 
Warenne on the Pipe Roll 4 Henry II. 



CHAPTER III 

THE WELSH WARS 

The Welsh, who had been brought into at least 
nominal subjection by the strong hand of Henry I., 
were not slow to avail themselves of England's weak- 
ness under Stephen to regain their liberty. Unfortu- 
nately the chief result of the removal of foreign 
control was the increase of those internal disputes 
which had always formed so large a part of the 
nation's history. 1 Prince warred with prince, brother 
against brother, and cousin against cousin ; treachery 
was met with treachery, and in the end the inevit- 
able appeal of a disappointed claimant for foreign 
assistance against his successful rival brought an 
English army into Welsh soil once more. Owain 
Gwynedd, king of North Wales, had exiled his brother 
Cadwalader and seized his possessions, and it was 
on the pretext of restoring Cadwalader that Henry 
assembled his forces at Chester and prepared for the 
invasion of Wales in the summer of 1157. 

The task was formidable alike from the nature 
of the country and the inhabitants. Wales was 

1 According to the Brut y Tywysogion (p. 109), an English 

governor on one occasion took certain action, " knowing the manners 

of the people of the country, that they would all be killing one 

another." 

26 



1157] THE WELSH WARS 27 

divided into three parts — North Wales or Vene- 
dotia, South Wales or Demetia, and Powys, but, 
save that the lance was the weapon of the northern 
Welsh and the bow of the southern, the divisions were 
arbitrary and artificial, and unconnected with any 
differences in the character of the population. With 
the exception of the Brabantine mercenaries, a race 
apart, a tribe of professional Ishmaelites, ready to 
turn their hands against any man for pay, no nation 
was so thoroughly permeated by the martial spirit 
as the Welsh. With the English and Normans war 
was the business of the gentry, but throughout 
Wales the young men of all classes, gentle and 
peasant alike, devoted their leisure to the practice 
of military exercises and strove to perfect themselves 
in the art of war. Possessing a country whose woods 
and mountains, intersected by torrents and marshy 
valleys, were admirably adapted for the ambuscade 
and other tricks of guerilla warfare, the Welsh had 
cultivated those qualities which enabled them to 
make best use of these natural advantages. Simple 
in their requirements for food or dress, they were 
hardy, active, and endowed with wonderful powers of 
endurance. Of defensive armour they made practi- 
cally no use, yet they did not hesitate to encounter 
any foe, however well equipped ; their first attack, 
delivered to an accompaniment of yells and braying 
trumpets, was furious, but, as is inevitable when 
light armed troops engage with heavy, if it did not 
prove immediately successful, they soon broke and 



28 HENRY II [1157 

fled, always ready, however, to resume the fight 
if opportunity offered. They did not disdain to 
strengthen their position with fortifications, and the 
whole land bristled with castles, 1 hardly a year pass- 
ing without record of the erection, capture, recapture, 
or destruction of one or more castles in the course 
of the incessant wars waged either between local 
chieftains or with the Norman barons of the Marches ; 
yet it was emphatically in the strategical use which 
they made of the natural advantages of their country 
that the Welsh were pre-eminent. 

It is possible that the straightforward pitched 
battle between troops contending stubbornly under 
the open sky tends to promote the honourable tradi- 
tions of chivalry, while the ambush, surprise, and 
night attack foster treachery and deceit. Certain 
it is that the Welsh were notorious amongst their 
contemporaries as liars and perjurers, men to whom 
the most solemn oaths were not binding ; and their 
Norman neighbours, the lords Marchers, were not 
slow to follow their example, so that the history of 
the border warfare is constantly stained with trea- 
chery and broken oaths. The corollary to " Taffy 
was a Welshman " that " Taffy was a thief " was 
already recognised as an axiom at the time of the 
Domesday Survey, when the customs of the Here- 
fordshire Welsh contained provisions for correcting 
this reprehensible propensity. Yet in spite of this 

1 Many of these were probably merely positions of advantage 
strengthened with ditch and wooden stockade. 



1157] THE WELSH WARS 29 

tendency to enrich themselves at the expense of 
their neighbours the Welsh were open-handed and 
generous ; none need beg for a meal, nor need the 
wayfarer fear to lack a resting-place. Hospitality 
was not so much a duty as a commonplace of life 
amongst this people, and exercised without hesita- 
tion. The food was simple, for though orgies of 
gluttony and drunkenness were only too common 
after a successful plundering raid, yet the habitual 
excess prevalent in England was here unknown ; but 
this simplicity was more than atoned for by the charms 
of female society and the delights of music. In 
music the Welsh surpassed even the Irish ; in every 
house a harp was to be found, and it is noteworthy 
that they shared with the men of Yorkshire the 
peculiarity of singing not in unison but in parts. In 
their rhythmical chanted songs the nation's excep- 
tional powers of rhetoric found their highest form 
of expression, and their bards were held in such 
honour that in 1157, when Morgan, son of King 
Owain Gwynedd, was murdered, it is expressly noted 
that with him was slain Gwrgant ap Rhys, " the best 
poet." Thus with music and eloquent conversation 
were passed the restful hours of the day, the re- 
mainder of which would be devoted to military 
exercise, hunting, the tending of flocks and herds, 
or, more rarely, agriculture, for which the poor soil 
and the inclinations of the people were alike un- 
suited. They were thus perilously dependent upon 
England for much of their food supply and therefore 



30 HENRY II [1157 

liable to be starved into surrender in the event 
of war. 

The antagonism existing between the peoples of 
England and Wales found some echo in the relations 
between the two branches of the Church. The 
Welsh Church, possessing a far longer continuous 
history than that of England, was less completely 
under the influence of Rome, and retained many 
primitive customs which were strange and even 
abhorrent to the more orthodox Their clergy con- 
tinued to marry, with the result that many benefices 
had become hereditary, descending from father to 
son like secular property. But if the marriage of the 
clergy was a primitive condition no longer canonical, 
the marriage customs of the laity were still more 
shocking to the orthodox, being in many cases not 
merely uncanonical but clearly survivals from pagan 
times, indefensible on any grounds except those of 
crude common-sense. The English Church, having 
control of the four sees of St. David's, Llandaff, 
Bangor, and St. Asaph, should have been able to 
execute the necessary reforms, but unfortunately 
Norman prejudice forbade the appointment of a 
Welshman to any post of authority in Wales, and 
the sees were consequently occupied by foreigners 
who, for the most part, could not speak the language 
of their flocks, and only too frequently used their power 
to increase their slender revenues at the expense of 
their clergy. Despised by the Norman clergy as 
corrupt and by the nobles as barbarous, it is possible 



1157] THE WELSH WARS 31 

that the Welsh appeared to Henry less formidable 
opponents than they really were. Moreover, he dis- 
regarded the advice of the lords of the Marches, 
whose whole lives were spent in fighting their Welsh 
neighbours, and determined to conduct his expedi- 
tion on the most approved continental lines. Owain 
had entrenched himself at Basingwerk, and Henry 
accordingly advanced along the coast for some dis- 
tance, and then, meditating a flanking movement, 
led a detachment of his forces through the woods of 
Consillt. This gave the Welsh the opportunity for 
which they had been waiting, and no sooner were 
the Normans entangled in the woods than the forces 
under Owain's sons, David and Cynan, fell upon 
them, inflicting heavy losses. Caught at a disadvan- 
tage the invaders were thrown into confusion; two 
of their leaders, Eustace Fitz-John and Robert de 
Courcy, were slain, and a cry was raised that the 
king had been killed. Panic ensued, and it was 
afterwards said that Henry of Essex, the Constable 
of England, had thrown down the royal standard 
and fled. If the Constable really displayed cowardice 
on this occasion the fact must have been hushed up, 
for nothing is heard of it for six years, until in 1163 
Robert de Montfort made it the subject of a formal 
accusation. Such an accusation could have only one 
outcome, and accordingly a duel was fought between 
the two parties at Reading in the king's presence, 
when Henry of Essex, rashly abandoning a successful 
defence for the offensive, was defeated and left for 



32 HENRY II [1157 

dead on the ground, but being nursed back to life 
by the monks of Reading, joined their community 
and spent the remainder of his days in their abbey. 
It is noteworthy that the challenger, Robert de 
Montfort, was a connection of his opponent's and 
not improbably a rival claimant to the constable- 
ship, which Henry had inherited through the heiress 
of Hugh de Montfort. 1 On the whole it would seem 
more probable that Robert should have made his 
accusation as a taunt based on some flying rumour 
and that the result of the duel was unjust, than that 
King Henry should have condoned the Constable's 
cowardice and allowed him to continue in honour 
at his court. 

However Henry of Essex may have behaved, it is 
clear that the Normans had suffered a severe defeat, 
and Henry in a furious rage drew off his troops and 
rejoined the main body of his army, with which he 
advanced unopposed to Rhuddlan, Owain having 
withdrawn from Basingwerk to Conway. Meanwhile 
the fleet, which was acting in unison with the land 
forces, had been despatched to Anglesea, to ravage 
that fertile island, the granary of North Wales. But 
here bad discipline was the cause of a severe check ; 
the attractions of looting churches and monasteries 
proved too great for the royal forces and delivered 
them into the hands of the ever vigilant natives. 
The sailors lost their commander, William Tren- 
chemer, and most of their officers, while amongst 

1 See Round, Commune of London, 281. 



1157-8] THE WELSH WARS 33 

the men of note who fell was Henry, the king's half- 
uncle, son of Henry I. by the famous Welsh princess 
Nest. In spite of these two initial successes Owain 
felt himself in a position of danger, and preferring 
to make terms rather than to have them forced upon 
him, made peace and gave hostages to Henry. Cad- 
walader was restored to his possessions, and homage 
was done by Owain to the English king, and the 
English frontier was once more pushed as far forward 
as Rhuddlan, where, as also at Basingwerk, Henry 
restored the castle. The campaign, therefore, might 
be regarded as fairly successful, although the only 
two engagements recorded had been disastrous. 

Although Owain Gwynedd and the other princes 
had come to terms with King Henry, the redoubtable 
Rhys, son of Gruffudd of South Wales, proposed to 
continue the war. Finding, however, that he would 
receive no support from any other native princes, 
he was persuaded to make his peace with the king, 
who in return promised to grant him a complete 
caniref of land. The spirit of the agreement was 
broken by the grant of the land in scattered portions 
instead of in a continuous block, but Rhys accepted 
the gift and remained quiet until he found that the 
king would not do him justice against Walter Clifford, 
when he took the law into his own hands and made 
a series of successful attacks upon the strongholds of 
the Norman barons in Cardigan. About the same 
time, in 1158, Yvor the Little, a noble of Glamorgan, 
being deprived of his lands by Earl William of 



34 HENRY II [1163 

Gloucester, made a daring night attack upon the 
castle of Cardiff, and in spite of its strength and 
the imposing numbers of its garrison, said to have 
numbered 120 men-at-arms, besides archers and 
others, carried off the earl with his countess and 
their son, who were only released after more than 
full restitution had been made to Yvor. Meanwhile 
Rhys, encouraged by his successes in Cardigan, 
attacked Caermarthen, and Henry, who was prepar- 
ing for a great expedition into the south of France, 
was obliged to send a force under the Earls of Corn- 
wall, Gloucester, and Clare to relieve the castle. 
This they did, and they were also successful in 
bringing Rhys to accept terms of peace. 

Peace, so far as it ever existed on the Welsh 
borders, continued for a short time, but when Henry 
returned to England in 1163, he found the country 
in so disturbed a state that he was obliged to lead 
an army against Rhys. The latter offered little or no 
active opposition, and the expedition took the form 
of a military progress through Glamorgan and Gower 
towards Caermarthen and as far as Pencader, return- 
ing by the mountains of Plinlimmon to Radnor. It 
is said that during this progress the invading host 
came to a stream called Nant Pencarn, where the 
natives anxiously waited to see whether Henry would 
fulfil in his own person a traditional prophecy that 
the crossing of the ancient ford by a brave man 
with a freckled face should foreshadow the defeat of 
the Welsh. When they saw the king ride past the 



1163-4] THE WELSH WARS 35 

old ford and set his horse to cross by one newer and 
better known, the Welsh set up such a blare of horns 
and trumpets that his horse took fright, and the 
king, turning round, made for the older ford and 
dashed across, this time without any orchestral 
welcome. 

As a result of this campaign Rhys, with Owain of 
North Wales and other princes, attended Henry's 
court at Woodstock and did homage to him there 
in July 1163. The king, apparently meditating the 
confiscation of his estates or possibly the extortion 
of a ransom, sent a knight to visit Dynevor, the capital 
of South Wales, and to report upon the nature of the 
country ; the priest, however, who acted as guide, 
while professing to go by the best route, took the 
unsuspecting knight by all the worst and most im- 
passable tracks, and so contrived to impress him with 
the utter poverty of the land and the inhabitants 
that the king, on the strength of his report, aban- 
doned his first intention and released Rhys, only 
taking from him hostages for his good behaviour. 
Hardly had Rhys returned than he renewed the 
struggle, recapturing the whole district of Cardigan, 
invading Pembrokeshire and despoiling the Norman 
and Flemish settlers. His example was speedily 
followed by Owain Gwynedd and his sons, who 
ravaged the district round Rhuddlan. In October 
1164 Henry had issued orders for a force to be raised 
against Rhys, and on his return to England in the 
following May, he found this force ready and with it 



36 HENRY II [1164 

pushed hastily forward to Rhuddlan. Having re- 
lieved pressure in this district for the time being he 
returned to England to collect a larger army, furiously 
vowing to destroy the whole nation of Welsh. The 
border fortresses were set in order from Abergavenny, 
Grosmont, Llantilis, and Skenfrith in the south to 
Montgomery, Shrawardine, and Chirk in the north ; 
foreign mercenaries were brought over and provided 
with arms, Ernald the armourer providing 300 
bucklers for their use ; lances and arrows were bought 
in Oxford and elsewhere and despatched to the 
frontier ; and, above all, large sums of money were 
extorted from the cities, prelates, and nobles for the 
conduct of the war. 1 Operations on a small scale 
seem to have been carried on from Abergavenny, 
but the king, with the main part of his imposing 
army, advanced from Shrewsbury to Oswestry and so 
into Powys. For once the Welsh were united ; Rhys 
of South Wales, Owain Gwynedd and Cadwalader his 
brother, the former ally of the English, the two sons 
of Madog of Powys, lesser princes such as Owain 
Cyveliog and Jorwerth the Red, all with their whole 
following were assembled to oppose the invader. 

Henry advanced down the valley of the Ceiriog 
and, mindful of former disaster, endeavoured to pro- 
tect his flanks by cutting down the woods. In- 
decisive skirmishing took place, resulting in heavy 
losses to both sides, but the Welsh avoided a pitched 

1 Details of these proceedings are to be found on the Pipe Rolls, 
11 and 12 Henry II. 



H64-5] THE WELSH WARS 37 

battle and retired before the royal forces until the 
latter had penetrated as far as the mountains of 
Berwyn in Merionethshire. Here they encamped, 
ravaging the country round and plundering the 
churches, to the intense anger of the Welsh, who 
always scrupulously observed the sanctity of churches. 
Punishment speedily overtook the impious host : tre- 
mendous storms of rain, exceptionally vehement even 
for Wales, coupled with a shortage of provisions, 
drove the English back in a disorderly and disastrous 
retreat to Chester, where Henry waited for the arrival 
of a fleet from Ireland. When the ships came they 
proved to be insufficient for the conduct of further 
operations against the Welsh. The king, furious at 
his ill-success, took a mean revenge by barbarously 
mutilating the sons of Rhys and Owain and a score 
of other hostages in his power. 1 

Hardly had the English army retired from Wales 
when Rhys stormed the castle of Cardigan and cap- 
tured its lord, Robert Fitz-Stephen. Next year, in 
1165, the Normans and Flemings of Pembroke made 
two unsuccessful attempts to retake Cardigan, while 
in the north Owain Gwynedd destroyed Basingwerk. 
Internal dissensions led to the ejection from their 
lands of Jorwerth the Red and Owain Cyveliog, 2 and 

1 In justice to Henry it must be remembered that the mutilation 
or execution of hostages was the natural outcome of the rebellion of 
those for whose good conduct they were sureties. A hostage who 
cannot be punished for the sins of those whom he represents is merely 
a useless expense to his keeper. 

2 The Pipe Roll, 12 Henry II., shows both these princes on good 
terms with the English. 



38 HENRY II [1166-71 

the latter, in 1166, assisted the Normans to gain a 
small success in the capture of the castle of Caereinion, 
but this was more than counterbalanced by the action 
of Rhys and Owain Gwynedd, who, after a three 
months' siege, captured the castles of Rhuddlan and 
Prestatyn. The development of Irish affairs now 
made friendly relations with Wales important, the 
main route to Ireland being by way of South Wales 
and the ports of Pembrokeshire. Accordingly we 
find Henry becoming reconciled to Rhys in 1171, and 
from henceforth treating him with an honourable 
courtesy which the Welsh prince reciprocated. Peace, 
therefore, varied with occasional border skirmishes, 
continued between England and Wales until the end 
of Henry's reign, and the Welsh, deprived of the 
pleasure of molesting the foreigner, turned with the 
greater zest to the task of cutting one another's 
throats. 

The invariable failure of Henry's military policy 
in Wales was due to his persistent disregard of the 
local lords of the marches and reliance upon men 
famous in continental warfare but totally ignorant 
of the very different conditions prevailing in the 
mountains and forests of Wales. Such a man as 
Gerald de Barri could have given the king far more 
useful advice in the conduct of a Welsh campaign 
than any of his great Norman barons. That acute 
historian afterwards set out at length the measures 
necessary for the conquest of his native country. No 
expedition should be undertaken hastily, but careful 



THE WELSH WARS 39 

preparations should be made, allies secured, and 
internal divisions carefully fostered ; castles should 
be built along the frontier, trade with England, 
especially in provisions, stopped, and the coasts 
blockaded. This would, as a rule, be sufficient to 
bring them to terms, but if military operations were 
needful then an advance should be made in the 
early spring before the trees came into leaf ; the 
troops should be light armed, and preferably men of 
the border used to the country rather than Flemish 
or Brabantines, good as the latter were on their own 
ground. The operations should be conducted by 
counsel of the lords marchers, and heavy losses must 
be expected and borne with equanimity, for while 
mercenaries are easily replaced the Welsh could not 
replace their men. Once subdued the natives should 
be treated with justice and kindness so long as they 
remain quiet, but their rulers should be ever watch- 
ful and should punish rebellion with severity. To 
diminish the chance of revolt the intervals of peace 
ought to be used for the building of roads and of 
castles, and at the same time the English border 
towns along the Severn might well have special privi- 
leges granted them to facilitate their growth, and 
in return they should be bound to maintain a fitting 
provision of arms and horses and to practise universal 
military training. " Yet for all this the nation shall not 
perish utterly, and at the last great Day of Judgment 
this little spot of land shall be answered for by the 
Welsh race, still speaking in their ancient tongue." 



CHAPTER IV 

FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

After the ingloriously successful Welsh campaign 
of 1157 Henry seems to have returned to Woodstock 
and there rejoined the queen, who had given birth 
on 8th September to a third son, Richard. The 
remainder of the autumn was no doubt spent in 
hunting, but at the end of the year the court moved 
northwards to Lincoln, where Christmas was kept. 
A local tradition, or superstition, forbade the wearing 
of the royal crown within the city walls. Stephen, 
it is true, had defied this tradition in 1146, but the 
fortunes of Stephen were not such as to make his 
action an encouraging precedent, and Henry, pre- 
ferring to be on the safe side, caused the ceremonial 
of coronation to take place in the church of St. Mary 
of Wigford outside the walls. From Lincoln the 
king moved on, at the beginning of 1158, to Carlisle 
to meet Malcolm of Scotland. The result of the 
meeting was unsatisfactory, and Henry abandoned 
his original intention of bestowing upon the young- 
king that honour of knighthood which he had him- 
self once received at the hands of Malcolm's pre- 
decessor, David. 

Easter in that year fell on 20th April, when the 

40 



1158] FOREIGN AFFAIRS 41 

court was at Worcester, and Henry and Eleanor 
celebrated the festival by observing, for the last 
time, the elaborate ritual of coronation. When the 
service was over they laid their crowns upon the 
altar and vowed to wear them no more. There would 
seem to have been no deeper reason for this renuncia- 
tion than Henry's dislike of ceremony. To the rest- 
less king, who never sat except on the saddle and 
who whispered and scribbled notes to relieve the 
boredom of Mass, the elaborate ceremonial of the 
crown-wearing must have been distasteful and weari- 
some. The outward pomp and circumstance of 
royalty were nothing to the man whose rule extended 
from the Pennines to the Pyrenees, and the glitter 
of a crown was no enhancement to the clearest head 
in Europe, throbbing full with political problems, 
national and international. The kings of Wales and 
Scotland had done homage ; Godred, King of Man 
and the Isles, was in attendance at Worcester ; em- 
bassies had been received or were on their way from 
the kings of Norway, the King of Jerusalem, and 
the Emperor Frederic ; and Henry was scheming for 
the further aggrandisement of his family and the 
extension of his continental dominions. 

Louis VII. had by his second wife, Constance of 
Castille, a daughter Margaret, at this time a baby 
of a few months old, and Henry determined to fore- 
stall other possible aspirants for the hand of this very 
youthful heiress. Accordingly, in the summer of 
1158, he despatched his chancellor, Thomas Becket, 



42 HENRY II [1158 

to demand the hand of Margaret for his eldest sur- 
viving son, Henry, who was now rather more than 
two years old. If the king was inclined to underrate 
the value of display and outward magnificence, his 
chancellor was very far from falling into the same 
error. Becket, the king's trusted minister and most 
intimate friend, presented a curious contrast in every 
way to his royal master. He was tall, of command- 
ing presence, with clean-cut features and shapely 
hands ; in his splendour he was a prototype of 
Cardinal Wolsey, but stood out the more prominently, 
as the sober court of Henry II. made a better foil 
than the magnificence of Henry VIII. Intensely 
self-centred, whatever he took up he threw himself 
into heart and soul, and as he was to prove the 
most ecclesiastical of ecclesiastics, so now that he 
was the greatest officer in the land he saw to it that 
his dignity was becomingly supported. Lavish in his 
expenditure, he kept open house and enriched his 
friends with open-handed generosity. Yet, though 
luxury and ostentation formed the note of his house- 
hold, it is to his honour that in an age when views 
on morals were more than lax he was known pre- 
eminently as a man of clean life. 

The embassy to the French court presented Becket 
with an admirable opportunity for gratifying his 
taste for pageantry, and the splendour of his caval- 
cade struck amazement into the minds of the natives 
and impressed them with the greatness of the English 
king. In front of the procession came the serving 



1158] FOREIGN AFFAIRS 43 

men and lackeys on foot in groups of ten or a dozen 
singing English songs, and some way behind them 
came huntsmen leading dogs and with their grey- 
hounds in leash ; then there rattled over the stones 
six great covered waggons containing the baggage 
of the chancellor's household, and two other waggons 
loaded solely with the very best English ale as a 
present for the French. Each of these carts was 
drawn by five magnificent horses, each attended by 
its own groom, and as guard to each cart was a great 
mastiff. Next came the pack horses with their 
drivers, and as a picturesque touch there sat upon 
the back of each horse an ape or monkey. After 
these came the squires, some carrying the shields of 
their masters and leading their chargers, others 
bearing hawks and falcons ; then the officers of the 
household, and the knights and clerks riding two and 
two, and finally the chancellor himself with his 
friends. Becket did not allow the effect of his 
arrival to be diminished by any failure to maintain 
his state during his stay in Paris, and the extrava- 
gance and luxury of his household at the Temple, 
which had been assigned for his accommodation, 
became proverbial. And when the business of his 
mission had been successfully settled he distributed 
all his gold and silver plate, his furs and gorgeous 
robes, horses and the other magnificent appoint- 
ments of his establishment in lavish largesse. 

Henry followed close on the heels of his splendid 
ambassador to complete the negotiations for the 



44 HENRY II [1158 

proposed matrimonial alliance. The two kings met 
first on the borders of France and Normandy, near 
Gisors, and Henry then paid a formal visit to Louis 
in Paris, where his unassuming courtesy and refusal 
of all ceremonial honours made an impression quite 
as favourable as the magnificence of his chancellor 
had done. Not only did Louis fall in with the 
suggestion for the betrothal of Margaret to the young 
Henry, but he also agreed to assist the English king 
in his claim on the territory of Nantes and Lower 
Brittany. Geoffrey, Henry's younger brother, had 
held this province for life by the election of the 
inhabitants, but upon his death in July 1158, Conan, 
Count of Brittany, claimed that it should revert to 
him. In face of the united forces of England and 
France Conan could only submit, surrendering Nantes 
in return for a confirmation of his rights in the 
remainder of Brittany. After taking over Nantes 
Henry led a brilliant little expedition against Thouars, 
in Poitou, capturing that strong position and its 
rebellious lord with surprising rapidity, and then, 
turning north, met King Louis at Le Mans, accom- 
panied him on a pilgrimage to St. Michael's Mount, 
and entertained him for some time at Rouen. Thanks 
to the French king's good offices several favourable 
arrangements were made for the surrender of border 
castles to Henry, and it was with satisfaction that 
Henry could look back upon the recent results of his 
diplomacy when he celebrated the feast of Christmas 
that year at Cherbourg with Queen Eleanor, who 





SEAL OF LOUIS VII (J) 



1159] FOREIGN AFFAIRS 45 

had given birth to her fourth son, Geoffrey, in the 
previous September. 

His policy having so far met with such remarkable 
success Henry now decided to revive his wife's ancient 
and shadowy claim to the important province of 
Toulouse. This province had been sold by one of 
Queen Eleanor's ancestors to his brother, Raymond 
of St. Gilles, but the legality of the sale had been 
questioned on more than one occasion, and Louis VII., 
at the time that Eleanor was his wife, had prepared 
to enforce his claim, but had come to an amicable 
agreement with the Count of St. Gilles, giving him 
to wife his sister Constance, widow of King Stephen's 
son Eustace. Henry now made warlike preparations 
on an unprecedented scale, securing as an ally Ray- 
mond Berenger, virtual King of Arragon and Duke 
of Provence but proudly content to be known by his 
humbler ancestral title of Count of Barcelona, and 
calling on all his fiefs, English and continental, for 
aids of men and money. In the imposing army 
which marched upon Toulouse in July 1159, prac- 
tically all the great barons of England and Normandy 
were present with their retinues, the chancellor as 
usual outshining his peers in the number and splendour 
of his knights. Malcolm of Scotland came with a 
band of his young nobles, and was rewarded by 
Henry with the coveted honour of knighthood, and 
there was one of the Welsh princes ; but the main 
body of the troops consisted of Welsh and other 
mercenaries, hired with the money wrung from the 



46 HENRY II [1159 

great prelates, the larger towns, and the Jews and 
other wealthy non-combatants. Such a force could 
easily have captured Toulouse, but King Louis had 
hastened to the aid of his brother-in-law and was 
within the town. For Henry to attack would there- 
fore mean a direct assault upon the man who, as King 
of France, was technically his over-lord and suzerain, 
a breach of feudal law which Henry, to the disgust 
of Becket and other less scrupulous men, refused to 
commit. The only alternative was a blockade, and 
this proving futile and ineffectual the great army 
withdrew at the end of September, having achieved 
practically nothing but the capture of Cahors. On 
his way north, however, Henry was able to induce 
the Count of Evreux to hand over the castles of 
Montfort, Epernon, and Rochfort, and Louis, finding 
his lines of communication thus cut, hastily concluded 
peace. 

During this war Pope Adrian had died, and Cardinal 
Roland Bandinelli had been elected by a majority of 
the electoral college, and, after a little hesitation, had 
accepted the papacy under the title of Alexander III. ; 
the party of the Emperor Frederic, however, taking 
advantage of Roland's hesitation, had declared their 
candidate, Octavian, elected, and had consecrated 
him pope as Victor III. The question of which pope 
should be recognised was discussed at councils held 
by Henry at Neufmarche in Normandy and by Louis 
at Beauvais, and in each case the decision was given 
in favour of Alexander, Victor being renounced as 



1160-2] FOREIGN AFFAIRS 47 

schismatic. This result was largely due to the elo- 
quence of Alexander's legate, Cardinal William of 
Pavia. He, with Cardinal Henry of Pisa, was at the 
English king's court at the end of October 1160, 
when the news arrived that Louis, within a fortnight 
of his wife's death, had, in his eagerness to obtain 
an heir to his throne, married a sister of Theobald, 
Count of Blois. Henry at once persuaded the car- 
dinals to celebrate the marriage between his son 
Henry, not yet five years old, and the French king's 
daughter Margaret, then in her third year ; the 
marriage having thus been performed with the con- 
sent of the Church, as stipulated in his treaty with 
Louis, Henry was entitled to demand as Margaret's 
marriage portion the surrender of the Norman Vexin 
and its castles of Gisors, Neaufles, and Neufchatel, 
which he accordingly received from the three Tem- 
plars who were acting as trustees of the settle- 
ment. 

This piece of sharp practice roused the resentment 
of Louis, but Henry's defences were too strong for any 
effective military operations, and, after some desultory 
skirmishing on the borders, peace was patched up in 
the summer of 1162 and continued without actual 
breach for some five years. At the end of that time, 
in June 1167, Henry's interference in the affairs of 
Auvergne afforded Louis excuse for a fresh campaign, 
whose prospects of success were the greater from its 
coincidence, no doubt designed, with a rising on an 
unusually large scale amongst the unruly Breton 



48 HENRY II [1 167-8 

nobles. The French accordingly ravaged the Norman 
border, but Henry virtually brought the campaign 
to an end by a single brilliant stroke. Knowing the 
provisions and munitions of the French army had 
been stored at Chaumont, he marched against that 
town, and while his men-at-arms engaged the garrison 
outside the walls his light-armed Welsh levies swam 
down the river and, gaining access to the town by 
that unexpected quarter, set it on fire. The whole 
town was destroyed, many of its defenders slain or 
captured, and the rest driven into the castle, where 
Henry left them unmolested, content with the de- 
struction of the stores. Although this practically 
put an end to hostilities, no peace could be arranged 
until the French king's impotent rage had been 
appeased, and the brilliant suggestion was therefore 
made by the Empress Maud that he should be 
allowed to burn some unfortified Norman town. Les 
Andelys was selected as the victim ; the inhabitants 
were duly warned by Henry to leave the place, and 
the French army solemnly marched on the deserted 
town and burnt it. Having cheaply regained his 
honour by this puerile act of revenge, Louis agreed, 
in August 1168, to a six months' truce. This gave 
Henry time to suppress the rising in Brittany and 
another in Poitou, while the refractory counts of 
Ponthieu and Perche received their chastisement 
during the ensuing negotiations, varied with occa- 
sional fighting, which resulted at last in a definite 
treaty of peace being concluded between the two 



1166-9] FOREIGN AFFAIRS 49 

kings in January 1169. By this treaty it was agreed 
that Henry's son, Richard, should be betrothed to the 
French king's daughter, Alais, and should hold Poitou 
and Guienne, while Geoffrey, who had married Count 
Conan's daughter in 1166, should hold Brittany 
under his elder brother Henry. 

Henry's two eldest sons were thus married or 
betrothed to daughters of King Louis and his third 
son married to the heiress of Brittany ; the youngest, 
John, having only been born on Christmas Eve, 1166, 
was not yet provided for, but the king's eldest 
daughter, Maud, had sailed from Dover in the 
autumn of 1167, under the escort of the Arch- 
bishop-elect of Cologne, the Earls of Arundel and 
Pembroke, and such lesser lords as Reynold de 
Warenne and William Cheyney, to marry Henry, 
Duke of Saxony. Thus by the power of the sword 
and the bond of marriage did Henry strengthen his 
position on the Continent 



D 



CHAPTER V 

THE STRUGGLE WITH BEGKET 

During the time that Henry was campaigning on 
the Norman borders, in April 1161, Archbishop 
Theobald of Canterbury died. For nearly a year 
the king kept the primacy vacant, but at last, in the 
spring of 1162, he declared his wish that Becket 
should take the archiepiscopate. The appointment, 
not unforeseen, of the courtly chancellor seems to 
have been distasteful to many of the clergy, but the 
only man who had the courage to brave the king's 
wrath by opposing the election of his favourite was 
Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of Hereford, whose opposition 
was probably increased in vehemence but diminished 
in effect by the fact that he was himself Becket's 
most dangerous rival in the race for the primacy. 
Foliot's protest was supported by the Empress Maud, 
who, as a devoted daughter of the Church, doubtless 
considered Becket too lax and worldly for the post ; 
but for once Henry disregarded his mother's opinion. 
Becket himself must have seen in his promotion the 
chance of satisfying his ambition; as chancellor he 
was the second man in the realm, subject only to the 
king ; but, subject to him, often directing the royal 
policy, but always liable to be checked by an expres- 



1162] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 51 

sion of the royal will ; as archbishop, with the divine 
authority of the Church behind him, it would be for 
him to dictate and for the king to obey. Yet know- 
ing, as he alone knew, the ultra-clerical course which 
he intended to take, he foresaw that it must sooner or 
later bring him into collision with Henry, and fore- 
bodings for the future, more particularly regret for 
the inevitable disruption of the ancient bonds of 
friendship which bound him to the king, made him 
hesitate to grasp the prize for which he longed. At 
last the insistence of the king, coupled with the per- 
suasions of Cardinal Henry of Pisa, overcame Becket's 
half-hearted resistance, and in May 1162 he sailed 
for England for consecration. 

Besides the business attendant on his elevation to 
the primacy, the chancellor was charged with the 
carrying out of arrangements for an expedition against 
the Welsh and also with the performance of fealty to 
the king's eldest son, Henry. The prince, who was 
at this time eight years old, had been entrusted by 
his father to Becket's care, and a very genuine feeling 
of affection existed between the boy and his guardian, 
which was to continue, unaffected by the events of 
later years, until the archbishop's death. It was 
therefore not unsuitable that the last recorded act 
of Becket in his official capacity as chancellor was 
to head the assembled peers at Westminster in 
taking the oath of fealty to the young Henry. 
On the occasion of this ceremony, which seems to 
have included an informal coronation — for a golden 



52 HENRY II [1162 

crown and regalia were made for the prince 1 — Becket 
was formally elected to the see of Canterbury. The 
right of the monks of Christ Church, Canterbury, to 
appoint the archbishop, who was also nominally 
their abbot, was so far recognised that they were 
directed by the king's messengers, the Bishops of 
Chichester, Exeter, and Rochester, Richard de Lucy 
and his brother the Abbot of Battle, to hold an 
election, but they were told definitely that their choice 
must fall on the chancellor. This formality over, 
there arose the question of consecration. The right 
to perform this ceremony was disputed between 
Roger, Archbishop of York, as primate, the Bishop 
of Rochester as Vicar of Canterbury, and the Bishop 
of Winchester as Precentor of Canterbury, while a 
claim was also put in by the bishop of one of the 
Welsh sees as the senior member of the episcopal 
bench. The see of London, whose bishop, as Dean 
of Canterbury, would have had the best claim to 
officiate, was vacant, but the dean and canons 
appointed Henry, Bishop of Winchester, to act for 
them, and to him eventually was assigned the honour 
of officiating. 

On Saturday, 2nd June, Becket, who was still in 
deacons' orders, was ordained priest, and on the 

1 The Pipe Roll for 8 Henry II. shows " 60s. paid to William Cade 
for gold for the crown of the king's son, and for preparing the regalia," 
and the Roll for the twelfth year records the expenditure of 7s. " for 
carrying the regalia of the king's son into Normandy." It would 
also seem (see below, p. 91) that the pope issued a commission for 
the Archbishop of York to crown the young prince. 



1162] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 53 

following day he was consecrated archbishop. To 
commemorate the occasion he ordained that the 
Sunday following Whitsunday should in future be 
kept as a great festival in honour of the Holy Trinity, 1 
and even the zeal of the Reformers against the cult 
of Thomas of Canterbury did not blot out from the 
calendar of the English Church Trinity Sunday. 

The consecration of Thomas as Archbishop of 
Canterbury was indeed an event worthy of com- 
memoration, forming as it did the prelude to the 
struggle between clerical and lay power which was 
to occupy the next ten years of Henry's reign. This 
struggle presents a curious problem of historical per- 
spective. Seen through the atmosphere of the con- 
temporary chronicle or through the rarified medium 
of history the Becket controversy presents very 
different features. To contemporaries it seemed of 
overpowering importance, eclipsing all other events 
of the time and entailing issues of enormous weight. 
To us the points at issue seem of slight significance, 
while the results appear almost negligible in com- 
parison with the energy and heat expended to produce 
them. Whichever view, if either, is correct, there 
can be no doubt of the great part played by this 
episode, for though in the end the contending parties 
were left very much where they started the casual 

1 Gervase of Canterbury (Opera, i. 171) says that Thomas insti- 
tuted the feast of the Holy Trinity. It would seem that the Sunday 
following Whitsunday was already sacred to the Trinity, but that he 
gave to the feast a position which it had not held before in England, 
and which it did not attain on the Continent till a much later date. 



54 HENRY II [1162 

results of the struggle influenced the history of the 
country most powerfully, so that in this controversy 
the incidents are of greater importance than the 
main matter of contention. 

It is easy to be wise after the event, and Henry is 
constantly blamed by modern writers for having pro- 
moted Becket to the primacy and not having fore- 
seen the consequences. Yet little reflection is required 
to show that nothing short of the gift of prophecy 
would have enabled Henry to foresee the position 
which Thomas was to take up. The chancellor had 
habitually neglected his duties as Archdeacon of 
Canterbury, calling down upon himself the rebukes of 
Archbishop Theobald, and had on several occasions 
shown very slight regard for the privileges of the 
Church. At the time of his appointment Gilbert 
Foliot scoffmgly remarked that the king had per- 
formed a miracle, for he had converted a knightly 
courtier into a holy archbishop. Events proved 
Foliot's jest a truth, and though it was Becket who 
wrought the marvellous metamorphosis himself, it 
remained a miracle unforeshadowed in the past life 
or character of the man. 

Thomas, who was born on 21st December 1118, 
was the son of Gilbert Becket by Maud his wife. His 
parents, who were both of Norman extraction 1 but 

1 The legend that the mother of Thomas was the daughter of a 
Saracen emir into whose hands Gilbert Becket had fallen during a 
pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and that, after helping Gilbert to 
escape, she followed him to London, is of late date and absolutely 
without foundation. 



1118-62] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 55 

had settled in London before his birth, belonged to 
the middle class and were comfortably off, and by 
them he was sent to the school of the canons of 
Merton Priory. While he was still quite young his 
mother died, and not long afterwards his father, who 
was in very reduced circumstances owing to losses 
by fire, followed her. Fortunately for himself 
Thomas, who was a good-looking boy of much pro- 
mise, had attracted the attention of a powerful baron, 
Richer of L'Aigle, who had been in the habit of 
putting up at the Beckets' house whenever he came 
up to London. Richer interested himself in the 
orphan, sending him to school in London and allow- 
ing him to spend his holidays with him in the country, 
presumably at his Sussex castle of Pevensey. Here 
Thomas practised hunting, hawking, and other manly 
sports, on one occasion nearly losing his life in the 
endeavour to rescue his falcon from a mill-stream. 
His patron appears to have sent him to study in 
Paris, and on his return he entered the service of his 
kinsman, Osbern Huitdeniers, one of the leading 
citizens of London. After some three years of official 
life in the city he determined to try a field more 
promising for his ambitions. Once again his father's 
hospitality proved the means of his advancement, 
two of Gilbert's former guests, the Archdeacon Bald- 
win and his brother, Master Eustace, introducing him 
to the notice of Archbishop Theobald. The arch- 
bishop, finding that the young man's father had 
come from his own native town of Thierceville, gladly 



56 HENRY II [n 18-62 

enrolled him in his household and took a kindly 
interest in him. There were at this time at the 
archbishop's court many men of distinction and 
learning, and one of these, Roger of Pont l'Eveque, 
afterwards Archbishop of York, jealous of the favour 
shown to Thomas, whose powers lay in the direction 
of showy brilliance rather than sound scholarship, 
did all that he could to injure and annoy him. 
Twice Roger persuaded the archbishop to dismiss 
the young man, but on each occasion Theobald's 
brother, Walter, Archdeacon of Canterbury, took up 
his cause and secured his restoration to favour. As 
early as 1143, when he was in his twenty-fifth year, 
Thomas rendered his patron good service at the papal 
court in the matter of annulling the legatine com- 
mission formerly granted to Bishop Henry of Win- 
chester. About this date he appears to have attended 
the famous law schools at Bologna, and afterwards at 
Auxerre. By this time he was beginning to become 
a person of importance ; the churches of St. Mary-le- 
Strand and Otford, and prebends in St. Paul's and 
Lincoln had been bestowed upon him, and in March 
1148 he, with his rival, Roger of Pont-1'Eveque, 
attended the archbishop on his venturesome sail across 
the Channel to the Council of Rheims. Three years 
later, in 1151, Becket achieved a further diplomatic 
success in defeating Stephen's efforts to obtain papal 
recognition for his son Eustace, and in 1154, when 
Roger of Pont-1'Eveque became Archbishop of York, 
Thomas succeeded him as Archdeacon of Canterbury. 




SEAL OF ROGER, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK {$) 



1118-62] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 57 

On the accession of Henry II., as we have seen, 
Thomas was made chancellor by the advice of Arch- 
bishop Theobald, with the generous support of Bishop 
Henry of Winchester, whose claims he had once been 
instrumental in defeating. Of the splendour and 
luxury displayed in his household as chancellor 
something has already been said. The means to 
satisfy his taste for magnificence and display were 
furnished not only by the emoluments, regular and 
irregular, 1 of his office, but by multitudinous extra 
preferments bestowed upon him, such as the provost- 
ship of Beverley, the custody of the Tower of London, 
which he restored and strengthened, and the honours 
of Eye and Berkhamstead. He still retained his 
youthful love of sport and also displayed considerable 
military ability ; during the expedition to Toulouse 
he was left in command at Cahors, and justified his 
appointment by leading his troops in person to the 
capture of three other castles, while somewhat later 
he overthrew a French knight in single combat. 
The king could appreciate a man of spirit and a good 
sportsman, and the two men became fast friends. 
Henry, on his way to or from the hunt, would often 
drop in at the chancellor's house and take a glass of 
wine with him, or, vaulting the table, sit down and 
eat, noting with amusement the luxury for which 
his friend was so famous. The story is well known 

1 The actual salary of the chancellor was 5s. a day, but the per- 
quisites of the office, including the gifts which those who required his 
favour had to make, were great. Becket himself was said, by Foliot, 
to have paid " many thousand marks " for the office. 



58 HENRY II [1162-3 

how, as king and chancellor were riding together 
through the streets of London one bitter winter's 
day, they saw a poor old man clad in rags. Turning 
to his friend the king said, " Would it not be a 
meritorious act to give that poor old man a warm 
cloak ? " The chancellor agreeing that it would 
indeed, Henry exclaimed, " You shall have the merit 
of this worthy act ! " and seizing Becket's magni- 
ficent fur-lined cloak, after a short struggle secured 
it and flung it to the beggar. 

The intimate friend of the king, a courtier, sports- 
man, and warrior, whose only interest in the Church 
seemed to be to draw the revenues of his many bene- 
fices and to extract money from its prelates for his 
royal master, no one could have foreseen Becket's 
conversion into the most ultra-clerical of archbishops. 

Almost the first act of the newly consecrated arch- 
bishop was to resign the chancellorship. As Becket 
must have been fully aware that the king expected 
him to continue in office and would never have 
bestowed the primacy upon him if he had declared 
his intention of resigning, his action was surprising 
and unjustifiable. Henry, though deeply annoyed, 
accepted the situation and displayed no ill-feeling 
towards Thomas. In fact when he landed at South- 
ampton in January 1163, having been detained at 
Cherbourg over Christmas by bad weather, he greeted 
the archbishop with all the warmth of affection which 
he had formerly bestowed upon the chancellor. These 
good relations continued for some months, Thomas 



1163] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 59 

supporting the king's request to the pope for the 
translation of Gilbert Foliot from Hereford to the 
vacant see of London, 1 and Henry visiting the arch- 
bishop at Canterbury on his way down to Dover to 
meet the Count of Flanders in March. But Becket 
was now throwing himself with his usual thorough- 
ness into the work appropriate to his position as 
head of the English Church. His taste for display 
continued unabated, but found new outlets. As 
archbishop he was the recognised patron of the 
younger sons of nobles as the king was of their elder 
sons, while amongst the crowd of high-born youths 
serving as his esquires was the heir to the throne ; 
his household was as magnificent and his table as 
well-appointed as ever, but the clerks, who had 
formerly received little consideration, had now sup- 
planted the knights in the place of honour, while a 
somewhat ostentatious prominence was given to the 
daily distribution of alms and feeding of large numbers 
of poor persons. Thomas himself presided gracefully 
over the splendid feasts, and, though far from prac- 
tising the stern asceticism of Gilbert Foliot, observed 
a strict moderation suitable to the monastic habit 
which he had assumed; and although there was no 
lack of gaiety and animation at his table the jesters 
and minstrels of former days were now replaced by 
readers of the Holy Scripture. 

1 Translation from one see to another, except in the case of pro- 
motion to the primacy, was extremely rare, and almost unheard of, 
in England at this time. 



60 HENRY II tH63 

Soon the erstwhile pluralist chancellor began to 
attack the bestowal of multiple benefices upon the 
king's clerks, laymen in all but name, whose sole 
connection with their benefices was to draw their 
revenues. So long as Becket confined himself to this 
legitimate course of reform the king raised no objec- 
tions, only insisting that the physician should first 
heal himself by surrendering the archdeaconry of 
Canterbury, which he had most inconsistently retained 
with the archbishopric. But soon Thomas passed 
from correcting the faults of his clergy to protecting 
their vices. The complaints of the laity against the 
extortions and injustice of the archdeacons and their 
officials had been brought to Henry's notice in the 
time of Archbishop Theobald, and one particular 
case reported from Scarborough roused the king to 
declare that these clerical officers wrung more money 
from the people every year than the revenues of the 
crown. Had not matters of importance obliged 
Henry to leave England just at this time it is not 
improbable that he would have carried out, with the 
assistance of Thomas the Chancellor, some of those 
measures for the control of the clerical courts which 
Thomas the Archbishop devoted his life to opposing. 
The bishops ordained candidates without regard to 
their fitness, and, contrary to the canons, bestowed 
orders upon men who had no title. Inevitably the 
country was overrun with men of low character, with- 
out definite means of subsistence, who could laugh 
alike at the lay courts, which had no jurisdiction 



1163] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 61 

over them, and at the ecclesiastical courts, whose 
proceedings were only too often a farce ; for the 
clerk who held no church deprivation had no terrors, 
and it was well known that the bishops would rather 
a guilty clerk were acquitted than that they should 
be burdened with the cost of his keep in the episcopal 
prisons. Murders and other crimes were committed 
by these bastard sons of the Church, and any attempt 
to bring the offenders to book was foiled by the pre- 
lates. Becket, who as chancellor had imprisoned a 
clerk in the Tower for seduction, now threw the 
mantle of the Church over an unworthy clerk who 
had been guilty of a peculiarly atrocious murder and 
adultery. The king felt strongly in the matter, but 
it would seem that for a time his old affection kept 
him from pressing his anti-clerical measures to the 
point of an actual breach with the archbishop. Other 
matters, however, more personal, now arose to increase 
the estrangement between the former friends. 

On his return from the Welsh expedition in July 
1163, Henry appears to have found his affairs rather 
involved and to have proposed to increase his revenue 
by appropriating the annual payment known as the 
" Sheriff's aid " ; the exact points in dispute are 
obscure and will be discussed in a later chapter, but 
it is known that the king swore " by the eyes of God " * 

1 A small point, not without significance as an indication of char- 
acter, is observable in the gradual degradation of the royal oath. 
The Conqueror swore " by the splendour of God," Henry " by the 
eyes of God," Richard " by the body " or " by the thighs of God," 
and John " by the feet," or even " by the nails, of God." 



62 HENRY II [lies 

that the payment should be made part of the Crown 
revenues and that the archbishop vowed " by his 
reverence for those same eyes " that no penny of it 
should be paid from his lands while he lived. In the 
end Henry had to give way, and he was again de- 
feated by Becket about the same time in another 
matter still nearer to his heart. During the retreat 
from Toulouse in 1159 King Stephen's son, William, 
Count of Boulogne, and, in right of his wife, Earl of 
Surrey and Warenne, had died, leaving no children. 
To prevent the county of Boulogne falling into the 
hands of any adherent of the King of France, Henry 
took William's sister, Mary, out of the nunnery of 
Romsey, where she was abbess, and married her to 
Matthew, son of the Count of Flanders, in spite of 
Becket's very proper protests. Earl William's widow, 
Isabel de Warenne, being still unmarried, the king 
decided that her heritage would form a suitable 
provision for his brother William, for whom he had 
once proposed to conquer Ireland. He therefore 
began to push the marriage forward, but was stopped 
by the action of the archbishop, who forbade it on the 
ground that the contracting parties were related 
within the prohibited degrees. 1 A papal dispensation 
had been available for the marriage of Abbess Mary, 
but the opposition of Thomas the Archbishop proved 

1 Isabelle de Warenne had been the wife of William, son of King 
Stephen, the cousin of William of Anjou. The connection being 
through the Empress Maud there was no obstacle to her marriage, 
afterwards effected, with Hamelin, the illegitimate son of Geoffrey 
of Anjou. 



1163] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 63 

so much more potent than the protests of Thomas the 
Chancellor that the projected marriage had to be 
abandoned. The young William took the matter so 
much to heart that he retired to the court of his 
mother, the empress, at Rouen, where he shortly 
afterwards sickened and died on 30th January 1164. 
Becket had deprived the king's clerks of their bene- 
fices, protected criminals from the king's justice, 
opposed the king's financial schemes, and thwarted 
the king's plans for his brother's advance. He had 
also aggressively asserted the rights of Canterbury 
against the Earl of Clare and others of the king's 
barons and had excommunicated the king's tenant, 
William of Eynesford, in a dispute over the advowson 
of a church, the decision of which was claimed as 
belonging to the king's court. Even if he had been 
entirely in the right in every one of these questions 
it would not have been extraordinary if the king, a 
violently self-willed man, had become completely 
estranged. And now the question of clerical immuni- 
ties reached a climax. A long list of crimes committed 
by clerks was presented to the king by his justices, 
and one of these justices, Simon Fitz-Peter, made a 
special complaint against Philip de Broi, a canon of 
Bedford. The canon had been accused of the murder 
of a knight and had cleared himself by his oath before 
the Bishop of Lincoln, but Simon Fitz-Peter, who 
was holding assizes at Dunstaple, apparently con- 
sidering that the verdict of the ecclesiastical court 
was contrary to evidence, ordered him to stand his 



64 HENRY II [H63 

trial before himself ; Philip refused, and in course of 
argument used insulting expressions towards the 
justice, which the latter reported to the king. Henry, 
enraged at the insult to his representative, demanded 
that Philip should be retried on both charges, of 
murder and contempt of court, before a lay tribunal. 
This claim Becket successfully combated, and the 
king had to be content with a trial before an ecclesi- 
astical court. The prelates who formed the court 
decided that the question of the murder had been 
finally disposed of by the acquittal before the Bishop 
of Lincoln and could not be re-opened, but for the 
insult to the king's officer they commanded that 
Philip de Broi should forfeit his prebend and go into 
exile for two years, and should also make a public 
apology to Simon Fitz-Peter clad in penitential garb. 
Henry declared that the sentence was absurdly light, 
and determined to bring the whole question of clerical 
and lay jurisdiction to a definite issue. 

An opportunity soon offered, and at a council held 
at Westminster in October 1163, Henry definitely 
demanded that the bishops should swear to obey the 
ancient customs of the realm, which, he claimed, 
allowed a clerk to be indicted before a lay tribunal, 
sent for trial to the ecclesiastical court, and, if found 
guilty, degraded and, being no longer a clerk, sent 
back to the lay court to receive sentence. There 
was no question of trying clerks before lay judges, 
but the bishops, headed by Becket, took up the line 
that the Church's sentence must of necessity be just, 




HENRY II DISPUTING WITH BECKET 
(From Cott. M.S. Claud. Dii) 



1163] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 65 

and that to inflict a further punishment after degrada- 
tion would be to punish a man twice for one offence ; 
they would therefore only consent to the " ancient 
customs," of which they denied the antiquity and 
legality, " saving the rights of their order," or in 
other words reserving the liberty to interpret them 
as they pleased. The king at once broke up the 
council, deprived Becket of the custody of the honours 
of Eye and Berkhamstead, and withdrew the young 
Prince Henry from his care. An interview between 
the king and the archbishop outside Northampton 
did not mend affairs, but by the advice of Arnulf, 
Bishop of Lisieux, Henry adopted the policy of 
detaching the bishops from Becket and gradually 
isolating him. Bishop Hilary of Chichester had 
from the first been willing to accept the customs, 
and Gilbert Foliot of London, and Roger, Archbishop 
of York, lent their aid, more from dislike of the 
primate than from approval of the king's schemes. 
Finding himself almost unsupported the archbishop 
listened to the arguments of the papal nuncio, Philip, 
Abbot of Aumone, and Robert of Melun, Bishop-elect 
of Hereford, and agreed to withdraw the obnoxious 
reservation and accept the customs. Not content 
with the verbal promise thus made before him at 
Oxford, Henry determined to have the acceptance 
of the customs formally and publicly ratified, and 
accordingly he summoned a great council to meet 
at Clarendon in January 1164. 

At this Council of Clarendon were present the 

E 



66 HENRY II [ii64 

peers, both spiritual and lay, in full force ; the Earls 
of Cornwall, Leicester, Hertford, Essex and Chester, 
Arundel, Salisbury and Ferrers ; the Counts of Brittany 
and Eu ; Richard de Lucy, the justiciar ; Richer of 
l'Aigle, Becket's old patron ; Simon Fitz-Peter, the 
insulted justice, and the representatives of such great 
families as Bohun, Mowbray, Braose, Warenne, 
Cheyney, Beauchamp, and Dunstanville, all of whom 
gave their assent to the code of laws now presented 
on the king's behalf as embodying the customs of 
the realm concerning the Church prevalent in the 
time of his grandfather, Henry I. The prelates had 
apparently expected that they would be called upon 
to promise obedience to certain vague and undefined 
" ancient customs," which could be subsequently 
eluded by denying that any particular regulation 
which infringed their privileges rightly belonged to 
that category. When they heard the very definite 
and exact claims advanced by the Crown they met 
the demand for their assent with an absolute and 
united refusal, as was indeed to be expected. 

The details of these Constitutions of Clarendon 
will be discussed elsewhere, but the main points 
were, briefly, as follows. The claim, already referred 
to, that clerks might be accused before a lay judge, 
and if condemned and degraded by the ecclesiastical 
court, the proceedings in which were to be watched 
by one of the king's justices, might be sentenced as 
laymen. That appeals might be made from the 
bishop's court to that of the archbishop and from 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 67 

the latter to the king, without whose leave no appeal 
should be made to the Pope ; to strengthen this 
latter provision it was ordained that no ecclesiastic 
should leave the kingdom without the royal licence. 
That no tenant-in-chief should be excommunicated 
or his lands interdicted without the king's leave ; 
that pleas touching advowsons should belong to the 
king's courts ; and that the sons of villeins should 
not be ordained without the permission of their 
lords. Becket, as leader of the Church party, re- 
jected the customs completely. He reasserted the 
finality of sentences passed in ecclesiastical courts, 
and declared that the proposed sentencing of the 
condemned clerk by the lay court would be "to 
bring Christ before Pilate a second time." The pro- 
hibition of papal appeals he denounced as contrary 
to the consecration oaths of the bishops, by which 
they were bound to allow such appeals, and the 
restriction on the passage of the clergy across the 
seas he declared would place them in a position of 
inferiority as compared with laymen and would dis- 
courage pious pilgrimages. Finally, on the whole 
question he took up the uncompromising attitude that 
the Church was the giver of laws and the ruler of 
kings, and that human laws which interfered with 
its privileges were of no effect. 

Negotiations were opened on the king's behalf by 
the Bishops of Norwich and Salisbury, who pointed 
out to Becket the probable consequences for all the 
prelates of inflaming the king's anger, which con- 



68 HENRY II [ii64 

sequences they themselves would be the first to feel, 
as they were out of favour with Henry. Their re- 
presentations proving of no effect, the Earls of Corn- 
wall and Leicester besought him to consider the 
difficult position in which they and other peers, 
faithful sons of the Church, would be placed if the 
king persisted in his demands to the point of order- 
ing the arrest and trial of the archbishop. Finding 
him obdurate they withdrew, and the next attempt 
at effecting a compromise was made by two knights 
of the Order of the Temple, Richard de Hastings, 
the English Grand Master, and Otes de St. Omer. 
Combining in themselves the attributes of knights 
and ecclesiastics, they were well suited to act as 
arbitrators, and their arguments appear to have had 
some effect ; so that when at last the impatient crowds 
of courtiers began to threaten and show signs of 
violence, the wearied archbishop broke down under 
the strain and condescended to an unworthy act of 
casuistry. Turning to his astonished fellow prelates 
he exclaimed, " If the king insists upon my perjuring 
myself I must do so, and must hope to purge the 
sin by future penance." Proceeding to the king's 
council chamber he declared his acceptance of the 
customs, " honestly, in good faith and without de- 
ceit," and at his command the bishops also signified 
their consent. Henry at once demanded that Becket 
should swear to observe the customs, and should affix 
his seal to a written copy thereof. To the first demand 
Becket replied that a priest's word was as good as an 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 69 

oath, while the question of sealing he managed to 
waive for the time being, accepting a copy of the 
customs by way of protest. Following up his victory, 
Henry caused both archbishops, of Canterbury and 
York, to write to the pope desiring him to confirm 
the customs. This they did, to please the king, 
knowing well that the pope would refuse to sanction 
any such infringement of the Church's privileges. 
At the same time Henry desired the pope to appoint 
the Archbishop of York legate for all England. 
Alexander, while refusing to confirm the customs, 
granted the legation to Archbishop Roger, but by 
exempting Becket and the church of Canterbury 
deprived the grant of its point. Henry indignantly 
returned the letters of legation and refused a further 
offer of the legation for himself. 

Becket left Clarendon deeply humiliated at his 
own weakness, and even went so far as to suspend 
himself from the performance of divine service for a 
time. A letter to the pope explaining and lamenting 
his action received a sympathetic reply virtually ab- 
solving him from the promise which he had made 
but had never intended to keep. Not content with 
this, however, he determined to visit the papal court, 
at this time established at Sens, in person, and actu- 
ally set sail from Romney with that intention, but 
was foiled in his attempt to cross the Channel by 
contrary winds, coupled with the boatmen's fear of 
incurring the king's anger. This infringement of 
one of the articles of the Clarendon Constitutions was 



70 HENRY II [1164 

reported to Henry, and served to embitter him yet 
more against Becket and to precipitate the crisis 
which now arose. One of the king's officers, John 
the Marshal, having brought an action in the arch- 
bishop's court touching an estate held of the manor 
of Pagham in Sussex, being defeated in his claim 
availed himself of the section in the Constitutions 
which permitted an appeal to the king, and made such 
an appeal, taking oath that justice had not been done 
to him. The archbishop was accordingly ordered to 
attend and answer the plea at Westminster on 14th 
September 1164. On that day Becket was unwell, 
and sent four knights with letters from himself and 
from the sheriff of Kent testifying that he was ill, 
and alleging that John's case ought to be set aside 
as he had deceitfully sworn upon a tropiary, or 
hymn-book, instead of upon the Gospels. The king 
vowed that Becket's plea of illness was false, stormed 
at the knights, refused to listen to them, and named 
a fresh day, 6th October, for hearing the suit at 
Northampton. By this time the breach between the 
once inseparable friends had so widened that the 
king would not send even formal documents direct 
to the archbishop, as to do so would involve addressing 
him with a polite formula of salutation which was 
very far from expressing his real feelings. For the 
council to be held at Northampton, therefore, Becket, 
instead of receiving the personal summons due to 
his rank, was summoned through the sheriff, and 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 71 

when he greeted the king at Northampton he was 
refused the kiss of welcome. 

John the Marshal was absent on the king's business 
at the Exchequer on the first day of the council, but 
next day he duly appeared in court, and Becket was 
ready to answer him. Henry, however, swept aside 
Becket's arguments and pleadings, accused him of 
contempt of court for not having appeared in person 
on the previous occasion, and demanded sentence 
against him. The court, fearing the king and con- 
sidering that Becket had been guilty of contempt, 
condemned him to be " at the king's mercy." Theo- 
retically this meant that he forfeited all his chattels 
to the king, but in practice the forfeiture was com- 
mutable for a fixed sum, which varied in different 
parts of the country : for a citizen of London the 
fine was a hundred shillings, for a man of the privi- 
leged county of Kent only forty shillings. In this 
case, however, the court arbitrarily departed from 
the established custom and pronounced sentence of 
complete forfeiture. To decide on the verdict was 
one thing, to pronounce sentence against the head 
of the English Church was another ; the barons de- 
clined to do so, and said it was clearly a task for the 
spiritual peers ; the latter retorted that they could 
not be expected to sentence their own head ; but 
finally by the king's order sentence was pronounced 
by the aged Bishop Henry of Winchester, a thorough 
supporter of Becket's ecclesiastical policy. Hardly 



72 HENRY II [1164 

had this been done when Henry demanded of the 
archbishop an account of three hundred pounds owing 
for the honours of Eye and Berkhamstead which he 
had held of the king's grant. Thomas very rightly 
replied that he had had no notice of any such demand, 
and further stated that he had laid out the whole 
amount, and more, in building operations on the 
king's behalf. So far as Berkhamstead is concerned, 
the Pipe Rolls seem to show that all arrears due to 
the king had been paid the previous year ; but as 
the honour of Eye was not accounted for while 
Becket held it as chancellor, it is possible that there 
might have been some foundation for the claim, 
though nothing could justify the way in which it 
was advanced. Whatever the rights of the case the 
verdict was, of course, against Becket, and when he 
protested against the indignity of being called upon 
to find sureties for payment he was told that his goods 
having been declared forfeit he was no longer a man 
of substance. Accordingly, the Archdeacon of Canter- 
bury became his surety for one hundred pounds, and 
the Earl of Gloucester, the Count of Eu, and William 
of Eynesford for one hundred marks apiece. 1 

Next day Henry renewed his attack upon the 
same lines, demanding back five hundred marks 
which he had lent Thomas as chancellor at the time 
of the Toulouse expedition, and calling for an account 
of all the issues of vacant sees and abbeys which had 

1 Their names occur as owing these sums "pro plegio archi- 
episcopi " on the Pipe Roll, 11 Henry II. 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 73 

been in his custody during the period of his chan- 
cellorship. The king's intention of breaking the 
archbishop by fair means or foul was now so clear that 
the time-serving lords who had till lately been proud 
to pay court to Becket now avoided him ; his old 
friend and supporter the Bishop of Winchester ad- 
vised him to resign his see, and Hilary of Chichester 
urged the same course, which other counsellors as 
strongly discountenanced. Worn out by the strain, 
Becket fell ill and was unable to appear in court on 
the sixth day, Monday, 12th October ; Henry again 
disbelieved his excuse, and sent a number of barons 
to see him and report. Thomas undertook to come 
next morning even if he had to be carried in a litter. 
He now determined to bring matters to a crisis and 
prepared to face the worst. His preparations were 
significant, if somewhat theatrical. Early in the 
morning he went into the chapel of St. Andrew's 
Priory, where he was lodging, and going to the altar 
of St. Stephen celebrated the mass of the proto- 
martyr. After this his intention had been to pro- 
ceed to the court in full canonicals, barefooted and 
carrying his own cross ; from such an ostentatious 
defiance to the king to do his worst his friends man- 
aged to dissuade him, and he rode in the usual way 
to the castle. But when he had dismounted at the 
entrance to the hall he took the processional cross 
from the hands of Alexander Llewellyn, his Welsh 
cross-bearer, and insisted upon carrying it himself. 
Such a plain challenge to the king, signifying his 



74 HENRY II [H64 

appeal to the protection of the Cross from the royal 
injustice and violence, horrified his followers. The 
Archdeacon of Lisieux besought the Bishop of London 
to prevent it ; Foliot replied, " My good friend, he 
always was a fool and always will be ! " Neverthe- 
less he attempted to dissuade the archbishop from 
his fatal course, claiming the right to carry the cross 
himself, as Dean of Canterbury, and even endeavour- 
ing to wrest it from Becket by force. Finding his 
efforts of no avail he desisted, contenting himself 
with the remark that if the king now drew his sword 
they would make a fine pair. Becket then entered 
and seated himself apart, holding his cross and 
attended by Herbert of Bosham and William Fitz- 
Stephen. Meanwhile the bishops had been called 
in to speak with the king, and Becket's old enemy, 
Roger, Archbishop of York, had availed himself of 
the opportunity to insult his fallen rival by having 
his archiepiscopal cross carried before him, a delibe- 
rate infringement of the privileges of the see of 
Canterbury, within whose province Northampton lay. 1 
While the course that events would take was still un- 
certain, Becket's attendants were giving him very 
contradictory advice : Herbert of Bosham, the fiery 
theologian, counselled him to hurl the thunders of 
excommunication against his enemies if they dared 
to offer violence to his person, but the cautious and 

1 The claim of the northern archbishops to have their cross carried 
before them within the province of Canterbury was a continual 
source of dispute for several centuries, leading to many undignified 
scenes. 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 75 

level-headed lawyer, William Fitz-Stephen, depre- 
cated such a course and urged him to imitate the 
saints of old and suffer wrong with meekness and 
patience. 

The archbishop having inhibited the bishops from 
sitting in judgment upon him for any plea touching 
matters prior to his consecration, and having also 
appealed to Rome against the excessive and unpre- 
cedented sentence of forfeiture, Gilbert Foliot at once 
lodged a counter appeal and Bishop Hilary of 
Chichester protested against Becket's breach of the 
Constitutions, which he, and at his suggestion all the 
bishops, had so recently promised on their priestly 
word to obey " honestly, in good faith and without 
deceit." Becket's defence was to the effect that 
the very qualifying words which Hilary quoted 
justified his action, for nothing could be observed 
in good faith that was contrary to the Christian 
faith, or honestly which was against the Church's 
honour ; adding that if they had shown weakness at 
Clarendon it was the more necessary that they should 
be strong now. Finding all hope of compromise gone, 
the king sent the Earl of Leicester to pronounce sen- 
tence upon the archbishop. The sentence would 
most probably have involved imprisonment, but it 
was never pronounced, for Becket indignantly ordered 
the earl to desist from uttering sentence against his 
spiritual father, further declaring with justice that 
he had been summoned to answer only in the case of 
John the Marshal and could not be called upon to 



76 HENRY II [1164 

account for all his doings as chancellor without 
summons, especially as at the time of his consecra- 
tion the king's ministers had expressly undertaken 
that he should not be called to account for any of 
his acts as chancellor. 

The earl retired abashed, and after a decent interval 
Becket rose and, still carrying his cross, left the hall. 
As he went he stumbled against a faggot, and Randulf 
de Broc cried out that he stumbled like the traitor 
that he was. The taunt of traitor was taken up 
and repeated in particular by Hamelin, the king's 
illegitimate brother, now Earl of Surrey and Warenne 
by his marriage with the Countess Isabel. Turning 
angrily on the earl, Becket exclaimed, "If it were 
not for my cloth I would show you whether I am a 
traitor or not ! " The clamour reached the king's 
ears, and he at once sent a messenger to proclaim 
that no one was to insult or molest the archbishop. 
He accordingly reached his quarters at St. Andrew's 
safely, and while seated at supper meditating upon 
his further course of action he received an omen which 
confirmed the intention, already half formed in his 
mind, of flight, for in the evening lection occurred 
the passage, " If men persecute you in one city, flee 
unto another." As he heard this phrase read out, 
Thomas looked across significantly at Herbert of 
Bosham, and as soon as he had an opportunity of 
speaking to him in private he bade him hasten to 
Canterbury, obtain as much money as possible from 
the archiepiscopal estates, and then cross to the monas- 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 77 

tery of St. Bertin at St. Omer and await his coming. 
Then he expressed his intention of keeping vigil 
throughout the night in the church, refusing the 
proffered company of the monks ; and a little before 
daybreak he stole away in disguise under the guidance 
of a canon of Sempringham, with only two other 
companions. 

When Henry heard next morning of the arch- 
bishop's flight he sent orders to Dover and other 
ports to prevent his crossing, and then turned with 
some relief to the business of the approaching expedi- 
tion against the Welsh. Meanwhile Thomas, know- 
ing that search would be made for him in Kent, had 
turned north, reaching Grantham on the first day, 
and then on to Lincoln, where he stayed at the house 
of a fuller. From Lincoln he went by water to 
Sempringham Priory and so to Boston. Probably 
finding that that port was watched, he turned south, 
and after visiting Haverholme proceeded by unfre- 
quented paths into Kent, travelling chiefly at night, 
and for a week lay hidden at Eastry, until on the 
evening of 2nd November circumstances enabled him 
to set sail. After a rough voyage he landed in 
Flanders near Gravelines ; but he was not yet in 
safety, for Henry, whose embassy to the papal court 
had just crossed the Channel, had warned the Count 
of Flanders of the possibility of Becket's landing in 
his territory, and the count bore the archbishop ill- 
will for the opposition which he had offered to the 
marriage of the Abbess Mary of Boulogne to the 



78 HENRY II [1164 

count's brother. Worn out by the hardships of the 
sea voyage Thomas found himself unable to walk, 
and the only means of conveyance obtainable proved 
to be a pack-horse. Laying their garments in place 
of the lacking saddle his companions lifted the weary 
archbishop on to the horse, and in this humble guise 
he, whose gorgeous cavalcade had once been a nine 
days' wonder, entered Gravelines. Yet, though in 
poor dress, treated by his companions with a careful 
absence of ceremony and passing as " Brother Chris- 
tian," there were little distinctions between him and 
his friends which nothing could efface, and which 
did not escape the notice of the innkeeper at whose 
house he put up. The man and his servant, who also 
recognised the archbishop, proved honest, and Thomas 
safely accomplished the remainder of his journey to 
St. Omer. Here he met not only his faithful Herbert 
of Bosham but also the justiciar, Richard de Luci. 
The justiciar having vainly endeavoured to per- 
suade Becket to return to England, promising him 
his own good services with the king, formally re- 
nounced all allegiance to him and departed. 

To follow the course of the struggle between king 
and archbishop during the six years of Becket's exile 
in detail is a wearisome and unprofitable task. Con- 
stant efforts at mediation, incessant appeals and 
counter-appeals to Rome, broadcast excommunica- 
tions involving the most prominent men at Henry's 
court and all who had dealings with them, till hardly 
a person of eminence stood outside the Church's ban, 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 79 

mutual recriminations, and anything and everything 
except reason and compromise. The king's absolute 
insistence upon the Constitutions of Clarendon was 
met by Becket with a blank refusal. So far as we 
can judge Henry might have been persuaded to 
accept a compromise had the archbishop shown the 
least inclination to meet him half-way, and such a 
course would certainly have had powerful support 
from the wiser and more temperate royal officers. 
As it was, it is remarkable that, while a consider- 
able number of prominent ecclesiastics were in op- 
position to Becket, he does not seem to have had 
the support of a single English or Norman layman 
of any eminence. 

Henry, in a moment of anger at Becket's flight, 
had sent an imperious letter to King Louis demanding 
the return of Thomas, " late Archbishop of Canter- 
bury " ; Louis inquired, with some justice, who had 
deposed the archbishop, adding that he in his king- 
dom could not displace the meanest clerk ; the 
request for the return of Thomas he refused, going 
out of his way to offer the fugitive cordial hospitality. 
Henry's embassy to the pope at Sens, consisting of 
the Archbishop of York, the Bishops of Chichester, 
London, and Worcester, the Earl of Arundel and 
others, met with equal unsuccess. The archbishop 
and the Bishops of London and Chichester all spoke 
with great vehemence against Becket, but the papal 
court was more amused at certain slips of accent 
and construction in their Latin than convinced by 



80 HENRY II [1164 

their argument, and it was only the calm and reasoned 
speech of the Earl of Arundel, who spoke in his 
native French, that produced any impression. The 
pope refused to do anything until Becket had come 
to state his own case, and the embassy, having strict 
orders to return at once, withdrew. Thomas on his 
arrival produced his copy of the Constitutions, which 
the pope had not previously seen. They were, 
naturally, declared to be intolerable infringements 
of the rights of the Church and St. Peter, and the 
pope sternly rebuked Thomas for ever having given 
his consent to them. At this time, apparently, 
Becket surrendered the primacy into the pope's 
hands, receiving it back again from him. By so 
doing he was not only confirmed in full possession 
of the see but was in the position to deny that he 
owed his archbishopric to the king. Pope Alexander 
was now very awkwardly placed, for while his position 
as head of the Church compelled him to uphold 
Becket, his recognition as pope had been largely 
due to Henry's support, and if that support were 
withdrawn and given to the schismatic antipope, 
Alexander's hold on the papacy would be dangerously 
weakened. The reality of this danger was soon made 
clear, when, in May 1165, Henry's ambassadors, 
Richard of Ilchester, Archdeacon of Poictiers, and 
John of Oxford, who were present at the Emperor 
Frederic's council at Wurzburg nominally on busi- 
ness touching the proposed marriage of Henry's 
daughter Maud, virtually pledged their royal master 



1164] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 81 

to support the emperor and the antipope against 
Alexander. Feeling, however, ran too strongly 
against Henry in this matter, and he had to re- 
pudiate the action of his ambassadors. 

The pope, cautiously avoiding a complete breach 
with Henry, declared that certain of the Constitu- 
tions were quite inadmissible but that others were 
tolerable, and, by refraining from any definite pro- 
nouncement as to any particular sections, left an 
opening for negotiations. At the same time he 
attempted to bring the king to reason through the 
mediation of the Bishops of London and Hereford, 
Archbishop Rotrou of Rouen, and the Empress 
Maud. But matters had already gone too far for 
any friendly arrangement to be possible. Becket, 
who after his interview with the pope had estab- 
lished himself, in December 1164, at the Cistercian 
abbey of Pontigny, was determined to yield nothing, 
and had already commenced the campaign of letters, 
argumentative, mandatory, supplicatory and threaten- 
ing, with which he disturbed the peace of Western 
Europe for the next five years ; and Henry, at his 
Christmas council at Marlborough, had retorted by 
confiscating the property of the see of Canterbury. 
Not content with this legitimate seizure of the arch- 
bishop's revenues, the king extended his attack to 
all persons connected with Becket by family or 
official ties, and all his poor relations and such of his 
clerks as had proved themselves faithful to his cause 
were stripped of their possessions and sent into exile 



82 HENRY II [1165-6 

under a vow to join their patron. This step, de- 
signed to worry Becket and to strain his already 
straitened finances, seems to have owed its full 
rigour if not its inception to Ranulf de Broc, into 
whose hands the property of the see had been com- 
mitted, and was opposed by Bishop Hilary of 
Chichester on the ground that, while so manifestly 
unjust an act would put the king in the wrong, the 
chief effect would be to strengthen Becket by sur- 
rounding him with a crowd of faithful servants. 

During the year 1165 little worthy of note occurred, 
but with the spring of 1166 Becket began to adopt 
more vigorous measures. Assured in his own mind 
of the support of the pope, who on 24th April ap- 
pointed the archbishop Legate of England, Thomas 
wrote three successive letters to King Henry, couched 
in language of increasing severity, warning and 
threatening him. The king, who was at Chinon, 
could only tie Becket's hands by an appeal to Rome 
against his threatened action, and accordingly sent 
the Bishops of Seez and Lisieux to Pontigny to give 
notice of his appeal. On their arrival at Pontigny 
on Ascension Day, 2nd June, they found that Thomas 
had gone to Soissons to visit the shrine of St. 
Drausius, a favourite resort of persons about to 
fight a judicial duel. Invigorated by his visit to the 
combative saint, Becket went on to the abbey of 
Vezelay, and on Whitsunday, 22nd June, to the 
astonishment and dismay of his unsuspecting com- 
panions, publicly excommunicated Richard de Luci 



1166] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 83 

and Joscelin de Bailliol as authors of the Clarendon 
Constitutions, Richard of Ilchester and John of 
Oxford for taking part with the schismatics at 
Wurzburg, John of Oxford being further condemned 
for accepting the Deanery of Salisbury in spite of 
prohibition, and Randulf de Broc and others for 
usurping the possessions of the church of Canterbury, 
while the king himself was threatened with a similar 
fate. The sentences created little excitement outside 
the circle of Becket's own audience ; most of those 
against whom they were fulminated were becoming 
seasoned to excommunication, and the king was 
sustained by the comfortable knowledge that the 
pope would support him. In the previous May 
Henry had given orders for a levy throughout his 
dominions on behalf of the Crusade, and some 
months earlier he had shown further evidence of his 
zeal for the Church by presiding at Oxford over a 
council which condemned a little band of German 
or Flemish heretics who had settled in England. 
These heretics, humble weavers under the leadership 
of one Gerard, seem to have held opinions similar 
to those of the Waldensian Protestants ; they met 
with little or no success in their missionary efforts, 
and, having refused to recant, were branded and 
scourged and turned out into the snow, to perish of 
cold and hunger. Fortified with the knowledge of 
his good services to the Church, Henry did not even 
hesitate to appoint the excommunicate John of 
Oxford as envoy, with John Cumin and Ralph of 



84 HENRY II [nee 

Tamworth, to the papal court. On their arrival 
Pope Alexander gave them a friendly welcome, ab- 
solved John of Oxford and confirmed him in pos- 
session of the Deanery of Salisbury, quashed Becket's 
sentences and ordered him to refrain from molesting 
the king, at the same time promising to appoint 
commissioners to arbitrate between the king and the 
archbishop. 

Towards the end of the year 1166 Henry had been 
successful in procuring Becket's removal from 
Pontigny by threats against the Cistercian order. 
His star was distinctly in the ascendant, and he could 
afford to await with equanimity the long-delayed 
arrival of the papal commissioners, the cardinals 
Otto and William of Pavia. Becket, on the other 
hand, was angered by the pope's action and especially 
by the appointment of Cardinal William, and ex- 
pressed himself with a vehemence which even his 
friend John of Salisbury considered excessive. The 
enormous mass of correspondence concerned with the 
Becket controversy which has been preserved is 
throughout remarkable rather for vigour than ele- 
gance. In letters which are a mosaic of quotations 
and reminiscences from the Vulgate, with an oc- 
casional phrase from a classical poet, the writer's 
adversaries are compared to the most notorious 
villains of Scripture, while contempt is poured on 
them by means of sarcastic puns, Richard de Luci, 
the great justiciar, becoming " Luscus " — the one- 
eyed or half -blind — and the Archdeacon of Canterbury 



1167] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 85 

figuring as the " archdemon." The whole corre- 
spondence breathes a spirit of intolerance which 
augured ill for the efforts of would-be mediators. 
Of these mediators the one of whom most might 
have been hoped, Henry's mother, the Empress 
Maud, died at Rouen on 10th September 1167. As a 
devoted daughter of the Church she had condemned 
the excessive severity of her son's anti-clerical 
legislation, though as " a daughter of tyrants " she 
had approved the general trend of the Clarendon 
Constitutions. Her influence with Henry was great, 
and if compromise had been possible it would no 
doubt have been exerted to that end, but, as it was, 
she could do nothing beyond such moderating 
measures as interfering on behalf of an imprisoned 
and tortured bearer of papal letters. 

When the papal legates at last opened negotiations 
in November 1167, by an interview with the arch- 
bishop at Planches on the borders of France and 
Normandy, they found him resolute to agree to 
nothing without the addition of the disputed phrase 
" saving the liberty of the Church," and all their 
arguments were useless. When they made their 
report to Henry he dismissed them angrily with some 
uncomplimentary remarks on the subject of cardinals. 
A renewed appeal by the English bishops tied 
Becket's hands till November 1168, and in May of 
that year the pope remonstrated with him and 
ordered him to take no action against the king until 
the beginning of Lent, 5th March 1169. At the 



86 HENRY II [1169 

same time Alexander made an effort to bring matters 
to a settlement by appointing two monks, the Prior 
of Mont Dieu and Simon de Coudre of Grammont, 
as commissioners. They did not act until 7th 
January 1169, when Henry and Louis met at 
Montmirail to negotiate a treaty. Becket was with 
the French king, and when the commissioners had 
presented to Henry a letter from the pope urging 
him to a speedy reconciliation, the archbishop came 
forward with every appearance of humility and ex- 
pressed his desire for peace. Henry was willing to 
receive him back into favour if he would undertake 
to act loyally, but Becket would only pledge himself 
to obedience ct saving the honour of God," or in 
other words " the liberty of the Church." In vain 
Henry offered him every right and possession that 
his predecessors in the see of Canterbury had held, 
provided that he would obey the laws that they, 
many of them saints, had obeyed. A suggestion 
that Thomas should return to his post without any 
definite mention being made of the Constitutions, 
with a tacit understanding that the more objection- 
able sections should be modified, was also rejected, 
and the conference broke up. 

Shortly after this the commissioners presented to 
Henry letters from the pope couched in stern lan- 
guage and warning him of the consequences if he did 
not soon come to terms with Becket. Nevertheless 
Alexander was not prepared to take extreme measures, 
and accordingly he appointed yet other mediators, 



1169] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 87 

the Cardinals Gratian and Vivian, and wrote to 
Becket ordering him to take no action against the 
king or his supporters until they had performed 
their mission. Before this order reached the arch- 
bishop at Sens, where he had fixed his headquarters 
since his expulsion from Pontigny, he had availed 
himself of the expiration of the term of inaction 
previously set him, and early in March excommuni- 
cated the Bishop of Salisbury, Earl Hugh of Norfolk, 
and other offenders, laymen and clerks, following 
this up on Palm Sunday, 13th April, with the ex- 
communication of the Bishop of London and the 
announcement of a similar fate in store for Geoffrey 
Ridel, archdeacon of Canterbury, Richard of Uchester, 
Richard de Luci, and others. Anticipating his action 
the two bishops had already made provisional appeals 
to the pope, while precautions were taken to prevent 
the delivery of the notice of excommunication. But 
on Ascension Day, 29th May, during the celebration 
of mass in St. Paul's, a young Frenchman, Berenger 
by name, under pretence of making an oblation, 
handed to the priest celebrant the archbishop's 
letters, charging him to deliver them to the Bishop 
of London and publicly denouncing the latter ex- 
communicate. Bishop Foliot, while accepting the 
sentence as valid, renewed his appeal to the pope, 
who strongly disapproved of Becket's action and 
ordered him to suspend his sentences until the nuncios 
had seen the king. 

Gratian and Vivian reached Damfront on 23rd 



88 HENRY II [1169 

August, and next day had an interview with the 
king, in which he endeavoured to dictate to them, 
insisting that the excommunicates should be ab- 
solved at once. For a week no progress was made, 
but on 31st August, at Bayeux, Henry undertook 
that if the excommunicates were absolved at once 
he would receive back the archbishop and his friends 
and allow him to hold his church and former pos- 
sessions " to the honour of God, of the Church, of 
the king and of the king's sons." Next day, how- 
ever, he insisted upon the further significant addition 
of the phrase " saving the dignity of my realm." 
Even to get so far as this had proved a difficult task. 
The meeting had been held in the open air, and twice 
Henry had mounted his horse and turned to ride off in 
a rage, expressing his contempt for the nuncios and 
their threats of excommunication and interdict. A 
proposal to counterbalance the " dignity of the 
realm " with " the liberty of the Church " having 
failed, negotiations were broken off. Becket, as 
papal legate for England, having threatened to lay 
England under the dread sentence of interdict, by 
which all public services and religious ministrations 
were suspended, Henry issued orders that the bearer 
of such a sentence and any persons who obeyed it 
should be held guilty of high treason, at the same 
time prohibiting all monks and clergy from crossing 
the seas without his leave, and ordering the search 
of all laymen coming into England from foreign 
countries. He further consented to another meeting 



1169-70] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 89 

with the archbishop at Montmartre, whither he had 
gone to visit King Louis. 

The negotiations at Montmartre in November 1169 
turned chiefly upon the question of the restoration 
of Becket's estates. While the king was willing to 
restore him to the possession of what he held when 
he left the country, Thomas insisted upon full pay- 
ment of all arrears, the surrender of certain disputed 
estates and the displacement of such clergy as had 
been presented by the king to Canterbury livings 
during his exile. Offers of arbitration were refused 
by Becket ; and, while Henry consented that he 
should have all that his predecessors had on the same 
terms by which they held, his promise of due service 
to the king was qualified by the obnoxious phrase, 
" saving the honour of God." Henry therefore 
refused Becket the " kiss of peace," and the con- 
ference broke up. The terms offered by Henry 
appear to have made a favourable impression upon 
Pope Alexander, and he determined to make a final 
effort for a settlement on those lines. Accordingly, 
in the early spring of 1170, the Archbishop of Rouen 
and the Bishop of Nevers were appointed to nego- 
tiate ; the Canterbury estates were to be restored 
in full, but the question of arrears might be waived ; 
there was to be no reference to the Constitutions, 
and the kiss of peace was to be given by either the 
king or his son. If Henry refused to come to terms 
sentence of interdict should be laid upon his con- 
tinental domains. 



90 HENRY II . [H70 

Negotiations remained for some little time in 
abeyance, as Henry had crossed to England, for the 
first time for four years, landing at Portsmouth 
on 3rd March, after a stormy passage during which 
at least one of his forty ships was lost. The chief 
matter necessitating the king's return to England 
was his intention of establishing the succession to 
the throne beyond all doubt by the coronation of 
his eldest son, Henry, now sixteen years old. The 
need for this coronation of the heir during his father's 
lifetime, for which precedents could be found on the 
Continent but not in England, is far from clear, and 
its ultimate results were to prove disastrous. The 
most immediate result was the creation of a fresh 
grievance for Becket. It would seem that the pope, 
willing to please Henry and not knowing that the 
right to crown kings was a privilege of the Arch- 
bishops of Canterbury, had granted permission for 
the Archbishop of York to crown the young Henry, 
or else such permission had been granted during the 
vacancy of Canterbury in 1162. When the news of 
the proposed coronation reached Becket he wrote 
letters to Archbishop Roger and the English bishops 
in general prohibiting them from officiating, and 
similar letters were sent by the pope ; but none of 
these appear to have been delivered, and on Sunday, 
14th June, the younger Henry was crowned at 
Westminster by Archbishop Roger, the Bishops of 
London, Durham, Salisbury, and Rochester assisting. 
For some reason the young king's wife, Margaret, 




SEAL OF THE "YOUNG KING" HENRY (f) 



1170] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 91 

had not. been crowned with him, although a royal 
outfit had been provided for her, 1 and she had been 
ordered to hold herself in readiness at Caen, where 
the queen was in residence. The omission was 
taken by Margaret's father, King Louis, as a deliberate 
insult, and was possibly so intended ; but it is far 
more probable that Henry had intended her to be 
crowned with her husband, but had been obliged to 
hasten the coronation in order to avoid the publica- 
tion of the prohibitory papal letters. 

Returning to Normandy, Henry met the papal 
commissioners at Falaise and agreed to accept the 
terms which they proposed. They then had an 
interview with Becket and persuaded him to come to 
Freteval, where the French and English kings were 
to hold a conference. On 22nd July, therefore, 
Thomas rode out to meet Henry. The king was in 
an excellent temper, and as soon as he saw the arch- 
bishop he pressed forward, doffing his cap and salut- 
ing him affectionately. The two then withdrew and 
held a long private consultation. Becket began by 
reproaching Henry for his action in regard to the 
coronation. The king defended himself, pleading 
historical precedents, which Becket rejected as un- 
sound, and producing papal letters granting leave 
for the Archbishop of York to crown the young 
Henry ; these letters, however, dated from 1162, 
when, as we have seen, some such coronation was 
mooted if not actually performed, and were issued 
1 See Pipe Roll, 16 Henry II. 



92 HENRY II [1170 

during the vacancy of the see of Canterbury. In the 
end Henry promised to do justice in the matter, and 
added some ambiguous remarks to the effect that he 
would punish all who played either him or the arch- 
bishop false. No word was said about the Con- 
stitutions, but the king promised to restore to Becket 
all that he had held three months before the date of 
his exile and to receive him and his friends back 
into favour. Becket dismounted and knelt before 
the king, but the latter leapt from his horse, raised 
the archbishop and held his stirrup while he re- 
mounted. The two old friends, once more united, 
rode back together and announced the conclusion of 
peace, to the amazement of all ; and even a passage 
of arms between the excommunicate Archdeacon of 
Canterbury and Becket, due to the latter's refusal 
to reciprocate the king's general amnesty by ab- 
solving the excommunicates, was not allowed to 
disturb the serenity of the atmosphere. The only 
cloud was the king's persistent refusal of the kiss 
of peace, based on the rash oath which he had sworn 
in the presence of the French that he would never 
give it. On this Henry was resolute, though he 
expressed his willingness to kiss " his mouth, and 
his hands, and his feet a hundred times " when he re- 
turned to England. So much importance did Becket 
attach to this symbolic act that he endeavoured to 
obtain the kiss by a ruse at Amboise in October. 
For this purpose he came to the chapel where Henry 
was going to hear mass, in the course of which service 



1170] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 93 

the king would be obliged to give the ceremonial 
kiss; but, warned by the much excommunicated 
Nigel de Sackville, Henry ordered the celebration of 
a mass for the dead, in which the ceremony of the 
pax is omitted. 

About this time Henry wrote to the young king 
and the regency council in England announcing the 
conclusion of peace between himself and the arch- 
bishop, and ordering the restoration of the former 
possessions of the see and the holding of a judicial 
inquiry into the question of the honour of Saltwood. 
Early in November the king sent a message to 
Becket regretting that military affairs in Auvergne 
prevented his meeting him at Rouen, but urging 
him to delay his departure no longer, and appointing 
John of Oxford, Dean of Salisbury, to accompany 
him. Becket accordingly proceeded to Witsand, 
whence he was to cross to England. During the 
previous three months he had been busy correspond- 
ing with the pope, and had procured from him letters 
suspending and excommunicating the Archbishop of 
York, the bishops who had taken part with him, 
and the inevitable Archdeacon of Canterbury. The 
sentence against York, London, and Salisbury, 
Becket despatched from Witsand to Dover, where 
those prelates happened to be, before his own 
departure. At last, on 1st December 1170, the 
archbishop set sail, and, avoiding Dover, landed at 
Sandwich. Here he was met by Randulf de Broc, 
Reynold de Warenne, and Gervase of Cornhill, sheriff 



94 HENRY II [1170 

of Kent. Their threats of violence were restrained 
by John of Oxford, and after reproaching the arch- 
bishop for coming into the realm with fire and sword 
they suffered him to proceed to Canterbury, where 
he was joyfully welcomed by the clergy and populace. 
The messengers whom he had sent over after the 
conclusion of peace between himself and the king 
had warned him that the estates of the see had been 
plundered, and their appeal to the royal officers for 
the promised restoration of property had been post- 
poned long enough to enable the actual holders to 
secure the rents payable at Michaelmas. Becket 
now found that most of the Christmas rents had been 
anticipated, and the manors so thoroughly pillaged 
that nothing but empty barns and ruinous houses 
remained. He had, however, other matters to 
occupy his mind : the representatives of the censured 
prelates came to him desiring him to absolve their 
masters. So far as Archbishop Roger was concerned 
Becket professed inability, the pope having reserved 
his case to himself, but he was ready to absolve the 
Bishops of London and Salisbury, conditionally on 
their undertaking to submit to the pope's demands. 
This they were willing to do, but they were dissuaded 
by Archbishop Roger, and all three went over to 
Normandy to make complaint to the king. Becket, 
anxious from personal affection as well as from 
policy to pay his respects to the young king, sent 
Richard, Prior of St. Martin's, to Winchester to 
announce his intention, and presented Henry with 



1170] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 95 

three magnificent chargers gaily caparisoned. The 
king, or rather his council, declined the archbishop's 
proffered visit, but undeterred he started for Win- 
chester, intending after his visit to the court to make 
a tour of visitation throughout his province. The 
first night he spent at Rochester and the next at 
the Bishop of Winchester's house in Southwark, but 
here he was met by Joscelin of Arundel, brother of 
Queen Adelisa, who ordered him to return to Canter- 
bury. This he did, taking with him a small escort 
of some five or six men-at-arms. The existence of 
this escort was magnified by his enemies into a 
charge of riding about with a great army to capture 
the king's castles, but it was certainly necessary, 
for threats were being openly made against his life, 
and the Brocs at Saltwood were indulging in a regular 
campaign of outrage and insult. They seized his 
wine, they hunted in his preserves, poached his 
deer and stole his hounds, and as a culminating insult 
cut off the tail of his pack-horse. 

Becket was not a man to suffer insult patiently, 
and on Christmas Day he preached in the cathedral, 
and, after alluding to the probability of his murder, 
delivered a furious denunciation of his enemies, and 
excommunicated Robert de Broc and a number of 
other offenders. The news of his action was at 
once conveyed to King Henry, who was keeping 
Christmas at Bur-le-Roi, near Bayeux. Infuriated 
by this fresh breach of the peace, Henry uttered a 
wild tirade against the upstart priest and against 



96 HENRY II [1170 

his courtiers who sat idle and allowed their master 
to be insulted without avenging him. Four knights, 
William de Tracy, Hugh de Moreville, Reynold 
Fitz-Urse, and Richard le Breton, determined to gain 
the king's favour by the murder of the archbishop. 
Taking horse at once they made for the coast, and 
favoured by the wind reached Saltwood Castle on 
Monday, 28th December. Meanwhile Henry, while 
refusing to go so far as Engelger de Bohun and 
William Mauvoisin, who urged the archbishop's 
execution, had determined on his arrest. Richard 
de Humet was sent to England to Hugh de Gunde- 
ville and William Fitz-John, the young king's 
guardians, while Earl William de Mandeville and 
Saer de Quincy watched the continental ports in 
case Becket should try to escape. The four knights, 
openly proclaiming that the king had decreed 
Becket's death, collected a considerable force from 
the garrisons of the neighbouring castles, and on 
Tuesday, 29th December, rode into Canterbury. 
Failing to persuade the town authorities to assist 
them, they warned them not to interfere and rode on 
to the palace. Striding into the room where the 
archbishop and his attendants were sitting, the four 
knights, without a word of greeting, sat down in 
front of him. After a pause Reynold Fitz-Urse 
ordered him, in the king's name, to absolve the ex- 
communicates and afterwards to stand his trial 
before the young king at Winchester. Before they 
delivered their ultimatum, Becket, understanding 



1170] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 97 

that they had a private message from the king, 
had caused his attendants to withdraw, but he now 
recalled them and delivered a calm and dignified 
reply justifying his action and explaining his position. 
To their threats he replied that the king had granted 
him his peace, but that in any case he would never 
yield or waver in his obedience to God and the pope 
for fear of death. 

The knights had entered the archbishop's presence 
unarmed, and they now withdrew, uttering threats 
and defiance, to bring the argument of steel to bear 
where words had proved unavailing. The Brocs 
and others of their associates had seized the gate- 
house of the palace and placed it in charge of Simon 
de Crioill and William Fitz-Nigel, the archbishop's 
steward, who had joined the conspirators ; Becket's 
own esquire, Robert Legge, was forced by Reynold 
Fitz-Urse to assist in arming him, and one of the 
archbishop's knights, Ralph Morin, was placed under 
arrest. As the armed crowd pressed forward the 
great door of the archbishop's apartments was shut 
and bolted and for a moment they were foiled, but 
Robert de Broc knew the palace well, and, snatching 
up an axe left on the stairs by a workman, attacked 
a wooden partition that would give access to their 
victim's room. Hearing the crash and splintering 
of the woodwork the monks and clerks, powerless 
against the mail-clad assassins, seized Becket, and 
in spite of his protests and resistance hurried him 
by a private entrance into the church. Contrary 



98 HENRY II [ino 

to his wishes the door was shut behind him, but 
when the pursuers began to thunder upon it he in- 
sisted upon its being opened, that the church might 
not seem to be turned into a fortress. The four 
knights and their followers rushed in, headed by 
Reynold Fitz-Urse, who flung down the axe with 
which he had attacked the door and brandished his 
sword. Hugh de Moreville faced the terrified people 
clustered in the body of the church, while his comrades 
searched for their victim. In the pillared gloom of 
the dim evening Becket was not at first visible, and 
he could easily have escaped into the darkness of the 
crypt or by the neighbouring stairway to the safety 
of the roof, but hearing cries of " Where is the traitor ? 
Where is the archbishop ? " he stepped forward, 
saying, " Here am I, no traitor but the priest of 
God. And I marvel that you are come into the 
church of God in such guise. What will ye with 
me ? " To their threats of instant death he replied 
by commending his soul to God, St. Mary, St. 
Denis, and St. Elphage, and their endeavours to 
drive or drag him out of the church he resisted with 
all his strength, striking William Tracy a blow which 
almost felled him to the ground. Tracy replied 
with a cut at his head, but Edward Grim, one of 
the only three clerks who had remained with their 
master, intercepted the blow with his arm. Although 
most of the force of the stroke was spent on Edward 
Grim it drew blood from the archbishop's head. 
A second blow, from Reynold's sword, drove Becket 




THE MURDER OF BECKET 
From Harl. MS. 510J) 



1170] THE STRUGGLE WITH BECKET 99 

to his knees, and with the third he fell with his arms 
stretched out towards the altar of St. Benedict. 
As he fell Richard le Breton struck him again 
with such violence that his sword broke upon the 
pavement, crying, " Take that for the love of my 
lord William, the king's brother," Richard having 
served the young William, whose early death was 
attributed to the foiling of his matrimonial schemes 
by Becket. As the assassins turned to leave the 
church, one Hugh Mauclerc, whose name is unknown 
to history save for this infamy, thrust his sword 
into Becket's gaping skull and scattered his brains 
upon the pavement. Thus fell Thomas Becket, the 
obstinate and imperious archbishop, and thus rose 
from his dead body Thomas of Canterbury, martyr 
and virtual patron saint of England. 

Having wreaked their vengeance on the archbishop 
the murderers turned to the plunder of 'his palace. 
Everything of value they seized, sending off a parcel 
of papal bulls and similar documents to their royal 
master. Then they rode off, the four knights soon 
afterwards retiring to Moreville's castle of Knares- 
borough, while the Brocs remained at Saltwood, 
whence they threatened to return to Canterbury and 
outrage the martyr's body. Hearing of their threats 
the monks of Canterbury, by the advice of the Abbot 
of Boxley and the Prior of Dover, proceeded at once 
to bury the body, which, after lying for some time 
neglected during the panic which followed the murder, 
had been reverently placed before the high altar. 



100 HENRY II [1170 

Accordingly the martyred archbishop was laid in a 
marble tomb in the crypt, clad in the penitential 
hair-shirt, which, to the surprise of all, he was found 
to have worn beneath his other garments, and in the 
vestments worn at the time of his ordination and pre- 
served by him against his burial. The church having 
been polluted by bloodshed, Mass could not be said 
in it, and so without the rites and services of the 
Church were laid to rest the remains of him whose 
shrine was to be for future generations the great 
national centre of prayer and pilgrimage 



CHAPTER VI 

IRISH AFFAIRS 

When news of Becket's murder reached Henry at 
Argentan on 1st January 1171, he was terribly per- 
turbed, and, retiring to his apartments, remained for 
three days in solitude, fasting and reviewing the 
situation. It must have seemed at first as if the 
officious knights by their rash action had wrecked his 
whole policy. The murder was bound to alienate 
many whose sympathy would otherwise have been 
with the king ; it would put a fresh weapon in the 
hands of his enemies ; and, above all, it would prac- 
tically force the pope into that position of direct 
antagonism which he had hitherto skilfully contrived 
to evade. To extract himself from his position with- 
out complete loss of dignity and surrender of all for 
which he had fought was a task worthy of Henry's 
diplomatic genius. It was necessary to be cautious 
but prompt, for his enemies were losing no time ; 
before Henry had resumed public life the Archbishop 
of Sens, legate of France, King Louis and the Count 
of Blois had all written to Pope Alexander denounc- 
ing Henry as the murderer, and three weeks later 
the Archbishop of Sens had proclaimed an interdict 
upon the king's continental dominions on the 

101 



102 HENRY II [1171 

strength of a papal letter addressed to himself and 
the Archbishop of Rouen ordering such a course to 
be adopted in the event of the arrest or imprison- 
ment of the Archbishop of Canterbury. Against this 
action the Archbishop of Rouen and the Bishops of 
Worcester, Evreux, and Lisieux at once appealed, 
and the interdict was temporarily suspended. About 
the end of January, when the appellants and the 
king's special envoys started for the papal court at 
Frascati, news of the murder reached the pope. 
Accordingly when Richard Barre, the Archdeacons 
of Salisbury and Lisieux, and the other royal envoys 
reached Frascati they could not at first obtain a 
hearing, and it was generally believed that on 
Maundy Thursday, 25th March, the pope would ex- 
communicate Henry and lay England under inter- 
dict. The efforts of the envoys, however, backed 
with the powerful argument of English gold, averted 
this danger, and the dreaded day brought forth 
only an excommunication of the actual murderers 
and their abettors. A month later, after hearing the 
appeal of the Bishops of Worcester and Evreux, 
Pope Alexander confirmed the sentence of interdict 
published by the Archbishop of Sens, but exempted 
the king and gave orders for the absolution of the 
Bishops of London and Salisbury. At the same time 
he announced his intention of sending legates to 
Henry to settle the terms of his absolution. 

Henry meanwhile was preparing to carry into 
effect the plan which he had had to abandon in 1155 



1166] IRISH AFFAIRS 103 

for an invasion of Ireland. The scheme possessed 
several attractions. To begin with, affairs in that 
island really called for his active interference ; there 
was also the advantage that in Ireland he would 
be more completely out of reach of any unwelcome 
papal messengers than he would be in almost any 
other spot in the civilised world ; and finally, by 
undertaking the reform of the Irish Church, which 
had been urged upon him by Pope Adrian IV., he 
would give to his expedition something of the nature 
of a crusade and would earn the gratitude of the 
pope. 

Prior to 1166 Ireland had been practically exempt 
from English interference and had settled its own 
affairs by primitive methods of violence. Resem- 
bling their nearest neighbours, the Welsh, in many 
respects, the Irish were even more quarrelsome 
and less advanced in the social scale. Utterly 
lacking in political unity, their score of kings and 
princelets acknowledged the theoretical supremacy 
of their Head King, or Ard-Righ, for just so long as 
he could maintain his position by power of the battle- 
axe. The battle-axe, that excellent weapon for 
quick-tempered men, doing its work with complete 
finality in less time than a man can unsheathe sword 
or notch arrow to bow, was the constant companion 
of the Irishman and the arbiter of all his politics. 
By a not unusual combination the Irish were at the 
same time utter barbarians and consummate artists. 
Their poetry was of a high standard ; in music no 



104 HENRY II [1166 

nation but the Welsh could compare with them ; 
and in metal work, carving, and painting such frag- 
ments as have come down to us show a complete 
mastery of the beauties of line and colour. Com- 
merce they left to the Scandinavian settlers along 
their seaboard. Possessing a fertile soil and a 
favourable climate they lacked the industry and 
stability for agriculture, but grazed great quantities 
of cattle, which served alike for the standard of 
exchange, coined money not being in use, and for 
the objective of raids during their incessant hos- 
tilities. When St. Patrick banished the reptiles 
and vermin it would seem that they must have left 
their venom and vice behind for the use of the in- 
habitants of the island, for never was there a race so 
prone to anger, so ungrateful and so treacherous, 
and even the miracles recorded of their saints were 
more often concerned with vengeance wrought upon 
sacrilegious offenders than with rewards bestowed 
upon faithful devotees. 

In this race of Ishmaelites there was one man of 
evil pre-eminence whose hand was against all men 
and all men's against him. Dermot MacMurrogh, 
King of Leinster, since the beginning of his reign in 
1121 had had even more than his share of fighting ; 
his voice had grown hoarse with the shouting of his 
battle-cry ; his borders had been enlarged at the 
expense of his neighbours, and the envy and hatred 
of rival chieftains had been incurred without gaining 
him the affection of his own subjects. In 1152 




■'-.•■"■ rT~,'~r~ 



IRISH WOMAN PLAYING A ZITHER 




IRISHMEN ROWING IN A CORACLE 
(From Royal MS. 13 B.viii) 



H66-7] IRISH AFFAIRS 105 

he had carried off Dervorgille, the beautiful but 
middle-aged wife of Tiernan O'Rourke, King of 
Breifny ; as the lady was well past forty and Dermot 
some ten years older the elopement would seem to 
have been less a matter of romantic passion than 
a studied insult to Tiernan. Dermot was speedily 
forced by Turlogh O'Conor, then Ard-Righ, to give up 
Dervorgille, but escaped for the time any serious 
consequences. O'Rourke, however, did not forget, 
and at last, in 1166, found an opportunity to head a 
formidable combination against Dermot. Finding 
himself isolated Dermot seems to have looked to 
England for help, for " the chancellor of the Irish 
king" came to this country in 1166, and certain 
Irishmen appear to have visited Henry's court at 
Woodstock early in the same year. 1 No assistance 
being obtained and resistance being impossible, 
Dermot, with some sixty followers, crossed to England 
and settled for a time at Bristol under the protection 
of the wealthy Robert Fitz-Harding. 

In the spring of 1167 Dermot crossed to Normandy 
and had an interview with King Henry. The latter 
had his hands too full to meddle with Irish affairs, but 
the opportunity for getting some sort of footing in 
Ireland which might be useful in the future was too 
good to be missed ; he therefore took Dermot's 
homage and issued a general licence in vague terms 
encouraging any of his subjects to assist the exiled 
king. With this Dermot returned to Bristol, and after 

1 See Pipe Roll, 12 Henry II. 



106 HENRY II [H67-9 

vain attempts to obtain assistance in England 
crossed into Wales, where he succeeded in interesting 
Richard of Clare, Earl of Pembroke, in his cause. 
The earl, whose extravagance had seriously impaired 
his finances, was attracted by the hope of plunder and 
broad lands and by the promise of Dermot's daughter 
Eva in marriage, with the ultimate prospect of the 
throne of Leinster ; he was, however, too cautious 
to risk his English and Welsh estates by embarking 
on this enterprise before he had obtained leave from 
King Henry. Dermot therefore turned to King Rhys 
of South Wales, who not only gave him a small force 
of soldiers but undertook to allow his prisoner, Robert 
Fitz-Stephen of Cardigan, to collect troops and cross 
over to Ireland. At last Dermot landed in his country 
once more with a small force, part of which was 
commanded by Richard Fitz-Godebert of Pembroke- 
shire. After a little fighting Dermot came to terms 
with his adversaries and dismissed his mercenaries. 

For a short time Dermot remained quiet, but about 
the end of 1168 he despatched his interpreter, Morice 
Regan, to remind Robert Fitz-Stephen of his promise 
and to obtain other assistance. Fitz-Stephen accord- 
ingly crossed to Ireland early in May 1169. With him 
came Meiler Fitz-Henry, grandson of Henry I., and 
Miles, son of the Bishop of St. David's, Maurice 
Prendergast and Hervey de Montmorency, the needy 
uncle of Earl Richard, and Robert de Barri, a nephew 
of Fitz-Stephen and brother of the historian Gerald. 
These adventurers landed with some three hundred 



1169] IRISH AFFAIRS 107 

followers at Bannow near Wexford, and here they 
were welcomed by Dermot and his son Donnell 
Kavanagh. An assault on Wexford was repelled 
with loss, but next day the city surrendered and was 
granted to Fitz-Stephen. This success was followed 
by an expedition against the King of Ossory, in 
which the English, by skilful manoeuvring, drew the 
Irish out into open ground, where they were able 
to use their cavalry with deadly effect ; the flying 
natives were further punished by an ambuscade of 
archers, and at the end of the day two hundred heads 
were laid before Dermot for that savage king to 
gloat upon. MacKelan of Offelan and O'Toole of 
Glendalough were defeated and plundered, but 
Roderic O'Conor, the Ard-Righ, was able to force 
Dermot to acknowledge his supremacy and to sur- 
render his son as hostage. Tired of the somewhat 
unprofitable righting, Maurice Prendergast and his 
two hundred men proposed to return to Wales, but 
Dermot refused to let them sail from Wexford. 
Maurice at once transferred his services to the King 
of Ossory and assisted his former enemy against his 
former friends until such time as he discovered that 
the jealous men of Ossory were plotting his destruc- 
tion, when he withdrew his contingent secretly by 
night to Waterford and thence crossed into Wales. 

About the time that Maurice Prendergast left 
Ireland Maurice Fitz-Gerald, a half-brother of Robert 
Fitz-Stephen, had landed with some hundred and 
forty soldiers, and not long afterwards, in the early 



108 HENRY II [1170 

summer of 1170, the Earl of Pembroke obtained 
leave from King Henry to undertake the Irish ad- 
venture. He first sent a small force under the 
redoubtable Raymond the Big, who threw up a 
temporary fort at Dundonuil, where they had hard 
work to defend themselves. By the ingenious device 
of driving a herd of cattle before them the invaders 
shattered the Irish ranks and, profiting by the con- 
fusion, slew many and captured seventy prisoners. 
By the advice of Hervey de Montmorency the 
prisoners were butchered, the business of beheading 
them being entrusted to a bloodthirsty Welsh girl 
whose lover had been killed in that battle. Shortly 
afterwards Earl Richard landed with Maurice Prender- 
gast, Miles de Cogan, and other barons and fifteen 
hundred men. Two days later, on 25th August, 
the attack on Waterford began, and its capture was 
celebrated by the marriage of the earl and Eva, 
daughter of King Dermot. The king and his English 
allies next marched against Dublin, avoiding the 
great host assembled against them under the Ard- 
Righ on Clondalkin moor. The city was not prepared 
to offer armed resistance, and the terms of surrender 
were being discussed between Morice Regan, Dermot's 
representative, and the saintly Archbishop Laurence 
O'Toole and Hasculf Torkil's son, the Scandinavian 
lord of Dublin, when suddenly, without warning, 
Miles de Cogan, who had no intention of being de- 
prived of his anticipated loot by the peaceful sur- 
render of the city, raised his war cry and stormed the 



1170-1] IRISH AFFAIRS 109 

walls. Hasculf and such of the inhabitants as were 
fortunate enough to gain the ships escaped by water, 
but very many were slain and the city was given over 
to plunder. Miles was rewarded for his treacherous 
act by the grant of the custody of the city, while 
Earl Richard retired to Waterford and Dermot to 
his capital at Ferns, where on 1st January, 1171, 
he died 

By the death of Dermot MacMurrogh, Earl 
Richard became virtual King of Leinster. But the 
success of the earl and his companion adventurers 
was by no means a cause of satisfaction to King Henry, 
who had no intention of allowing a warlike and inde- 
pendent kingdom to grow up so close to his own 
realm. He accordingly made his feelings on this 
subject obvious by seizing the Earl of Pembroke's 
English estates, and the earl hastened to clear him- 
self from the charge of disloyalty by sending his lieu- 
tenant, Raymond the Big, to place all his conquests 
at the king's disposal. Henry, who had gone so far 
as to forbid the sending of any assistance in men or 
munitions to Ireland and to order the immediate 
return of the adventurers on pain of perpetual 
banishment, was not appeased, though he determined 
to profit by the earl's submission. Raymond seems 
to have returned to his lord with an order for 
the latter's personal appearance before the king. 
Matters, however, were too involved to permit of 
Earl Richard's immediate departure. Under pressure 
from Archbishop Laurence O' Toole King Roderic 



110 HENRY II [1171 

O'Conor had summoned a great force for the siege 
of Dublin, and all the native chiefs had rallied round 
him, glad of an opportunity of revenging the wrongs 
they had suffered at the hands of the foreign in- 
vaders. Provisions soon began to fail in the city, 
and an attempt to come to terms having failed, the 
Ard-Righ insisting upon the surrender of all the 
conquered territory except the three towns of Dublin, 
Waterford, and Wexford, the only course open was 
to risk all in an attack upon the besieging host. 
The attempt might well seem desperate in view of 
the disparity of numbers, but its very boldness 
proved its salvation. Leaving a small garrison to 
guard the city, some six hundred picked men marched 
out in three columns, under Miles de Cogan, Raymond 
the Big, and the earl himself. The surprise was 
completely successful ; secure in the knowledge of 
their numbers the Irish had neglected outposts or 
guards and were caught quite unprepared ; many of 
them were actually bathing when the English cavalry 
dashed into their camp. Discouraged by this severe 
defeat, in which they lost very heavily, the Irish 
forces broke up and drifted away. Earl Richard was 
now free to attempt the relief of Robert Fitz-Stephen, 
who, after dangerously depleting his own forces to 
strengthen the garrison of Dublin, had been gallantly 
standing a siege in his castle of Carrick near Wexford. 
The earl's forces, after a desperate action in the pass 
of Odrone, in which Meiler Fitz-Henry particularly 
distinguished himself, reached Wexford to find the 







IRISH AXEMEN 
(From Royal MS. B.viii) 



1171] IRISH AFFAIRS 111 

town in flames, Carrick Castle fallen and Fitz-Stephen 
a prisoner. The earl now turned to Waterford and 
prepared for an expedition against MacDonnchadh, 
King of Ossory, but the latter offered to come in 
and make terms if his old ally Maurice Prendergast 
would obtain him a safe conduct. This Maurice 
did. but when MacDonnchadh came before the earl, 
King O'Brien of Munster, who was acting at this 
time with the English, urged his arrest and execu- 
tion, and it was only by the vigorous action of 
Prendergast, who brought his men-at-arms on the 
scene, that the barons were prevented from thus 
treacherously breaking their oaths. 

Leinster was now pacified and a further imperative 
summons from King Henry, already on his way to- 
wards Pembroke, necessitated the departure of Earl 
Richard. Hardly had he gone when Hasculf, the 
former lord of Dublin, landed with an army raised 
from Norway, the Isles, and Man, under the command 
of a man known from the berserk fury of his valour 
as John the Wode, or the Mad. These well-armed 
Scandinavians were foes of a different type from the 
wild Irish, but Miles de Cogan boldly charged upon 
them from the east gate, while his brother Richard, 
with a small force of thirty men-at-arms, rode secretly 
out of the west gate to take them in the rear. John 
the Wode, wielding his great axe with fearful effect, 
forced back the English, and had even gained footing 
within the gate when Richard's attack threw his men 
into confusion. Rallying his forces Miles charged 



112 HENRY II [1171 

again upon the Northmen, who broke and fled ; 
John the Wode was killed righting gallantly, and 
Hasculf was captured and beheaded. Another as- 
sault on the city, early in September, by the forces of 
Tiernan O'Rourke, ended disastrously for the Irish, 
and Dublin was left in peace. 

Henry had landed at Portsmouth on 2nd August, 
and after a visit to the aged Bishop Henry of Win- 
chester, then on his deathbed, had marched towards 
Bristol. At Newnham, in Gloucestershire, he was 
met by Earl Richard, who surrendered to him the 
cities of Dublin, Waterford, and Wexford, receiving 
in return the royal favour and a grant in fee of the 
residue of his conquests. About 8th September, 
when the English army was approaching the borders 
of Wales, King Rhys ap Gruff udd came to meet Henry 
with the offer of a tribute of horses and oxen. This 
tribute Henry soon afterwards respited, taking only 
thirty-six horses as a token of friendship ; at the 
same time he restored to Rhys his son Howel, who 
had long been held as hostage. Rhys showed his 
appreciation of the king's friendship next year by 
sending Howel to the English court to serve King 
Henry. The peaceful passage of the English army 
in Pembrokeshire, where the fleet was assembling 
at Milford Haven, had been secured by this tactful 
conciliation of King Rhys, and a troublesome chieftain, 
Jorwerth ap Owain, was reduced to order by the 
capture of his castle of Caerleon-on-Usk before Henry 
reached Pembroke. For some three weeks the 



1171] IRISH AFFAIRS 113 

English host lay weather-bound at Pembroke, part 
of the time being spent by Henry in a pilgrimage to 
St. David's, where he offered in the cathedral and 
visited the bishop, David Fitz-Gerald. At last, on 
16th October, the wind shifted and the fleet of some 
two hundred vessels crossed over to Crook, near 
Waterford. For a fortnight Henry remained at 
Waterford, the government of which town he had 
entrusted to Robert Fitz-Bernard. Here he received 
the submission of the kings and chieftains of Ireland, 
with the exception of the lords of Ulster and Roderic 
O'Conor, the Ard-Righ. Hither also the men of 
Wexford, in accordance with an undertaking given 
to Henry at Pembroke by their envoys, brought 
Robert Fitz-Stephen and his fellow-prisoners ; and 
Henry, whose personal intervention in Ireland had 
been influenced in some degree by complaints of 
the tyranny of some of the adventurers, thought it 
politic to appease the natives by committing Robert 
to prison for a short time. If he was mindful of the 
demands of justice he was still more mindful of his 
proposed reformation of the Irish Church, and having 
received the homage of the Irish bishops he summoned 
a council or synod at Cashel in November. 

At this Council of Cashel canons were passed for 
the observance of the degrees of affinity in marriage, 
the performance of baptisms by priests in the church 
— the local custom being for the father of the child 
immediately after its birth to plunge it three times 
into water, or into milk if the family were noble or 



114 HENRY II [1171 

wealthy — the payment of tithes, and the immunity 
of clerks and church property from secular exactions. 
As soon as it was over Henry sent an account of the 
proceedings, and of the submission tendered to him 
by the bishops and princes of Ireland, to the pope by 
the hands of the Archdeacon of Llandaff. It would 
seem that he also endeavoured to obtain from 
Alexander a confirmation of Pope Adrian's com- 
mendatory letter issued in 1155, at the time when the 
conquest of Ireland was first proposed. Alexander 
did not grant this confirmation, but wrote letters to 
Henry, to the bishops and to the kings of Ireland, 
expressing his satisfaction at the steps taken to 
remedy the monstrous irregularities of which the 
Irish had been guilty, and his hope that Henry's 
supremacy would make for the peace and better 
government of the island. These letters must have 
reached England some time in the summer of 1172. 
Henry, however, does not seem to have been satisfied 
with these expressions of papal approval ; possibly 
he had in the first instance obtained the submission 
of the Irish prelates by representing himself as 
commissioned by Pope Alexander to reform their 
Church ; however this may be, it would seem that 
a synod was held at Waterford to which William 
Fitz-Audelin brought probably Alexander's letters 
and certainly the letter of Adrian (that famous 
centre of controversy " the Bull Laudabiliter" so 
called from its beginning with the word Laudabiliter 
and, as befits an Irish document, its not being a 



1171-2] IRISH AFFAIRS 115 

Bull), 1 and with it a confirmation by Pope Alexander, 
which was almost undoubtedly a forgery. 

But before this synod of Waterford was held much 
had happened. Christmas in 1171 had been spent 
by the king at Dublin, where an elaborate palace, 
built of wattles in the native fashion, had been 
erected for him, and where the magnificence and 
luxury of his household, simple though it was if 
judged by continental standards, struck surprise into 
the minds of the Irish. But if the royal table pre- 
sented a spectacle of unwonted luxury to the natives, 
the food of the country, the absence of wine, and 
the impurity of the water proved disastrous to the 
English. An exceptionally stormy winter aggravated 
the scarcity of provisions and consequent mortality, 
prevented operations against Roderic of Connaught, 
and by severing all connection with England left 
Henry a prey to unappeasable anxiety. Early in 
March 1172, news having possibly reached him of 
the arrival of the papal legates in Normandy, he 
moved down to Wexford, the greater part of his 
army going at the end of the month to Waterford ; 
but for over six weeks the weather rendered the 
crossing to Wales impossible, and it was not till 
Easter Monday, 17th April, that Henry landed 
near St. David's, whence he made his way to Ports- 
mouth, from which place he crossed to Normandy 
early in May. 

1 For a discussion of the authenticity of this letter of Pope Adrian, 
see Round, The Commune of London, 171-200, and, on the other side, 
Orpen, Ireland under the Normans, i. 312-8. 



116 HENRY II [1172 

The arrival of the papal legates, coupled with 
rumours of a conspiracy being formed by the young 
King Henry and his brothers, had compelled Henry 
to return from Ireland without attempting the sub- 
jugation of the Ard-Righ and without strengthening 
his hold upon the portions of the island already con- 
quered by the erection of a series of castles. Before 
leaving, however, he took measures intended ap- 
parently to weaken the power of the original ad- 
venturers alike for action independent of himself and 
for the oppression of the natives. The government 
of Dublin, with the province of Meath, he granted 
to Hugh de Lacy, a man of character and ability, 
who justified his selection by adopting a just and 
conciliatory policy towards the Irish. With him 
were associated in the charge of the city Robert Fitz- 
Stephen and Meiler Fitz-Henry, while Waterford and 
Wexford were committed to Robert Fitz-Bernard. 
Earl Richard retained possession of Leinster, and was 
apparently recognised as in control of the conquered 
portion of Ireland ; while the province of Ulster, 
whose chiefs had refused to accept the English 
supremacy, was handed over to John de Courcy to 
subdue and enjoy as best he might. 

The earl, who had made Kildare his chief seat, 
had bestowed his daughter in marriage upon Robert 
de Quency, whom he created hereditary constable of 
Leinster ; but not long after the marriage Robert 
was killed in an expedition against O'Dempsey of 
Offaly, leaving an infant daughter, who eventually 



1173-6] IRISH AFFAIRS 117 

married the son of Maurice Prendergast. Raymond 
the Big then demanded the hand of the earl's widowed 
daughter, with the constableship, and upon his 
demand being refused retired into Wales. About 
the same time, in the summer of 1173, Henry, hard 
pressed by the rebellion of his sons, summoned some 
of the leading barons from Ireland, including Earl 
Richard, whom he made governor of Gisors. The 
appointment was of short duration, and the earl was 
soon invested with the government of Dublin, 
Waterford, and Wexford, and sent back to Ireland 
with letters recalling Hugh de Lacy, Fitz-Stephen, 
Fitz-Bernard, Prendergast, and others, who crossed 
at once, in time to take part in the battle at Fornham 
on 17th October 1173. The English forces in Ireland 
were thus seriously depleted, and an expedition led 
by the earl and Hervey de Montmorency into Munster 
having ended disastrously, all Ireland began to rise 
and endeavour to shake off the foreign yoke. Earl 
Richard hastily sent for Raymond, promising him 
the hand of his daughter, for which he had asked 
in vain before ; Raymond responded to the offer, 
landed with a small force at Waterford and marched 
to Wexford, where he reduced the town to order 
and obtained his coveted bride. Next year, in 1175, 
he led a force into Limerick and captured that town, 
but his successes, and possibly his excesses also, were 
displeasing to King Henry, and early in 1176 he was 
summoned to England to account for his actions. 
The state of affairs at Limerick, however, was too 



118 HENRY II [1176-84 

desperate to permit of his absence, and after relieving 
the garrison he thought it good policy to obtain a 
renewal of their oaths of fealty to the king of England 
from the kings of Connaught and Thomond. Ray- 
mond was therefore still in Ireland at the beginning 
of June 1176, when Earl Richard died and William 
Fitz-Audelin landed as procurator or justiciary of 
Ireland. 

Fitz-Audelin and his two coadjutors, Miles de 
Cogan and Robert Fitz-Stephen, were recalled in 1177, 
and Hugh de Lacy was appointed justiciary, Fitz- 
Audelin being associated with Robert le Poer in the 
custody of Waterford and Wexford, Miles and Robert 
receiving South Munster, and North Munster, as yet 
unsubdued, being granted to Philip de Braose, 1 from 
which he got as little good as he deserved. For the 
next seven years Henry left Ireland pretty much to 
itself, and Lacy continued to strengthen the position 
of the English settlement by building castles and by a 
firm but conciliatory attitude towards the natives. 
Unfortunately his success, coupled with his marriage 
with a daughter of the king of Connaught, aroused 
Henry's jealousy, and in 1184 he was removed from 
office. As early as 1177 Henry had declared his 
intention of making his young son John king of 
Ireland, and in 1185 the furtherance of this design 
afforded an excuse for keeping the beloved boy from 

1 This province had been previously offered to Herbert and 
William Fitz-Herbert, half-brothers of Earl Reynold of Cornwall, 
and Jolland de la Pomeray, but they had wisely declined the gift. 



:i85] IRISH AFFAIRS 119 

the distant dangers of the Crusade. John was at 
this time in his nineteenth year, vain, pampered, 
vicious, and as completely void of any redeeming 
virtie as any young man could be. His father, to 
whom he was as the apple of his eye, could hardly 
havt found in all his broad realms any person more 
dangerously incompetent to undertake the difficult 
government of Ireland. 

On 31st March 1185, the king knighted his son at 
Windsor, and almost immediately afterwards John 
set out, under the charge of Ranulph de Glanville, 
the justiciar, for Gloucester. After a few days' stay 
in tha: city the heavy baggage and provisions for 
the expedition, with the greater part of the forces, 
were sent on to Bristol, while John himself with the 
remainder passed on to Milford Haven, whence he 
sailed for Waterford on 24th April. His force was of 
imposing dimensions — it is said to have contained 
three hundred knights — and as we find such men as 
William le Poer and Stephen le Flemeng each bring- 
ing fifty horses, the total number of the cavalry must 
have been large ; there was probably a contingent 
of Flemish mercenaries, as Godescalk, " the master of 
the Flemish Serjeants," came from Kent, and there 
must have been the usual proportions of archers and 
foot soldiers. Significant is the entry on the Pipe 
Rolls of payments for Roger Rastel and other hunts- 
men with horses and dogs who went from Somerset 
into Ireland, and still more significant are the entries 
of large sums spent in furnishing John's kitchen and 



120 HENRY II [1185 

bakery. The bulk of John's followers were Norman 
courtiers, despising their English companions, wno 
in turn regarded the Irish as despicable savages. 
On John's arrival the friendly chieftains came to 
welcome the son of the most powerful prince in 
Christendom, but found an ill-mannered youth sur- 
rounded by a crowd of fashionable efferrunate 
flatterers. The Normans mocked at the ba'baric 
dress of the native princes, and carried their iJl-bred 
insolence so far as to pluck them by their long beards. 
In justifiable anger the princes left the court at 
Waterford and went to warn their compatriots of 
the treatment in store for them. The kings of Con- 
naught, Limerick, and Cork, who had meditated 
tendering their fealty to John, now naturally held 
aloof, and soon the faithful natives were driven by 
the insults and injuries suffered at the hands of the 
invaders into active revolt. Meanwhile the new- 
comers had completely alienated the early settlers, 
depriving them of their hard-won conquests and dis- 
tributing offices of importance and honour with a 
complete disregard for the fitness of the candidates. 
The Norman courtiers, used to the luxurious life of 
large towns and the aristocratic campaigning of the 
Continent, utterly refused to endure the hardships 
inseparable from service in the interior of the country, 
and clung to the seaboard towns where alone wine 
was available. Hugh de Lacj^ and the barons who 
had won and held Leinster by their strength and 
military ability kept grimly aloof and watched 



1185] IRISH AFFAIRS 121 

disaster after disaster overtake the incompetent and 
inexperienced army of invasion. 

Matters soon reached such a pitch that it was 
clear that some man of ability must be put in com- 
mand, and accordingly in the autumn of 1185 John 
de Courcy, whose conquest of Ulster had proved him 
to be a warrior of consummate skill and daring, 
was appointed chief governor with excellent effect, 
and two months later Prince John returned to 
England. He had no difficulty in persuading his 
infatuated father that his failure was due to the 
treachery of Hugh de Lacy, and it was with un- 
concealed delight that Henry heard of Lacy's murder 
in 1186. Early in that same year Pope Urban III. 
had acceded to Henry's request for the coronation of 
John as king of Ireland, and had even sent him a 
crown of gold and peacocks' feathers — borrowed 
plumes sufficiently suitable for the empty head they 
were to adorn. John was therefore despatched to 
Ireland to seize Lacy's great fief into the king's 
hand in August, but before he could sail news arrived 
of the death of his brother Geoffrey, and he was re- 
called. For the remaining three years of his reign 
Henry was too busy with English and foreign affairs 
to devote his attention to Ireland. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 

Henry had left Ireland, as we have seen, on 17th 
April 1172, and about the second week in May he 
crossed from Portsmouth to Barfleur with a con- 
siderable following, at least twenty-five ships ac- 
companying him. On 17th May he met the cardinals 
at Savigny, and was informed by them of the terms 
offered by the pope for his reconciliation to the 
Church It would seem that these included the entire 
abrogation of the Constitutions of Clarendon, and 
to this Henry absolutely declined to consent, de- 
claring that sooner than accept these conditions he 
would return to Ireland. The diplomatic Bishop 
Arnulf of Lisieux now intervened and succeeded in 
effecting a compromise, and on Sunday, 21st May, 
Henry came to the cathedral of Avranches and was 
absolved from the guilt of the murder of Becket on a 
promise to comply with the modified requirements of 
the legates. He was to find the money to support 
two hundred men-at-arms for one year in the Holy 
Land, to go for three years on Crusade, to restore 
the property of the church of Canterbury, and take 
back into favour all who had suffered for their 
support of the archbishop ; he was also to support 

122 



1172] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 123 

the claims of Alexander and his successors against 
the schismatics, to permit appeals to the pope in 
ecclesiastical causes, and to abolish all customs in- 
jurious to the Church which had been newly intro- 
duced in his reign. The wording of the last clause 
left matters exactly as they were at the beginning of 
the quarrel with Becket, for the whole point of the 
dispute was Henry's contention that the Constitu- 
tions were in force in the time of his grandfather. 
The final issue of the conflict was thus decidedly in 
Henry's favour, and the murder, instead of proving, 
as it must have done in the case of a less able man, 
disastrous, had actually been beneficial. The king's 
strength is also shown in his dealings with the four 
knights who had murdered the archbishop ; a weaker 
man would almost certainly have sacrificed the 
murderers to appease public opinion, but Henry, 
admitting that they had acted on his behalf though 
not in accord with his intentions, took no action 
against them, possibly not sorry to let ecclesiastical 
claims reduce themselves to a logical absurdity by 
showing that the Church could only deal with the 
ecclesiastical offence of the murder of an archbishop 
by the ineffective method of excommunication. 

The young King Henry was present at the cere- 
mony at Avranches and joined with his father in 
swearing to obey the terms imposed, so far as they 
were not personal to the elder king; but it would 
seem that the representatives of France and other im- 
portant personages were absent, and it was therefore 



124 HENRY II [1172 

arranged that the ceremony should be repeated at 
a later date at Caen. The absolution was duly 
repeated about Michaelmas, but whether at Caen 
or again at Avranches is not quite clear. Meanwhile 
Henry had arranged for the deferred coronation of 
his son's wife Margaret, the daughter of King Louis. 
It has already been mentioned that, much to her 
father's anger, she had not been crowned with her 
husband, but it would seem that Henry had had the 
genuine intention of allowing her to be crowned 
subsequently. He appears to have promised Becket 
that he should officiate, and it may have been for this 
purpose that Margaret crossed over to England in 
September 1170. She remained at Winchester until 
3rd April 1171, when she crossed again to Normandy, 
and was no doubt with her husband at Christmas 
that year, when the young Henry held his court at 
Bur-le-Roi, to which flocked the chivalry in such 
numbers that it is recorded that in one hall there 
dined together a hundred and three knights whose 
Christian name was William. In August 1172 
Margaret and her husband went back to England, 
and on the 27th of that month they were crowned 
together in Winchester Cathedral by Rotrou, Arch- 
bishop of Rouen, and the Bishops of Evreux and 
Worcester. Their stay was not of long duration, as 
early in November thay were summoned back to 
Normandy by the old king. They obeyed unwillingly, 
but instead of joining the English court paid a visit 
to King Louis, who seized the opportunity to urge 



1172] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 125 

upon the young Henry that he should demand from 
his father the complete sovereignty of either England 
or Normandy, or at any rate something more sub- 
stantial than the shadowy royalty which he had 
hitherto enjoyed. The counsel fell on willing ears ; 
the prince had long smarted under his father's strict 
control and the surveillance of ministers who were 
practically his masters, and he was in no mind to 
remain a king without a kingdom and without even 
a sufficient income. 

After Christmas, which the young king and his 
queen kept at Bonneville while the elder Henry and 
Eleanor were at Chinon, the two Henrys went to 
Montferrand and afterwards to Limoges to negotiate 
for the marriage of John, now six years old, with 
Alais, daughter and heir of the powerful Count 
Hubert of Maurienne, lord of Savoy. The count 
undertook to make a most liberal provision for the 
young couple, but when it came to Henry's turn to 
fix what he would bestow upon them he named the 
castellanies of Chinon, Loudun, and Mirabeau. The 
young Henry at once indignantly protested that these 
castles belonged to him as Count of Anjou, and ab- 
solutely declined to make them over to his brother. 
This, combined with his father's action in refusing to 
increase either his power or his allowance and in 
removing from his company certain young men of 
bad influence, roused the young king's resentment, 
which was sedulously fanned by his mother, Queen 
Eleanor. The latter, egged on by her uncle, Ralph 



126 HENRY II [1173 

de Faye, urged her son to open rebellion, and after- 
wards persuaded his brothers, Richard and Geoffrey, 
to join him in opposition to their father. At last, 
on 5th March, the young king slipped away, and 
evading pursuit reached the court of Louis. 

The rebellion thus begun bore a formidable aspect 
and seemed to have every prospect of success. Young 
Henry was an admirable centre for the concentration 
of the disaffected. Tall, remarkably handsome, and 
adding to his father's charm of manner an open- 
handed liberality which the elder Henry lacked, he 
was already earning the reputation which he estab- 
lished a few years later as the flower of chivalry, 
while his apparently complete lack of solid qualities 
in no way detracted from his popularity. In the 
struggle with his father he could of course count upon 
the assistance of King Louis, and though that king 
was singularly incompetent his resources were very 
considerable. The more lawless English lords, whose 
wings had been clipped by Henry's anti-feudal 
legislation, might also be counted upon ; and in 
this category were old Hugh Bigot, Earl of Norfolk, 
the other Earl Hugh, he of Chester, the young Earl 
of Leicester, son of the loyal justiciar who had died 
in 1168, Earl Ferrers of Derby, and Roger Mowbray. 
The discontented lords whose lands lay within 
Henry's continental domains were still more numerous, 
and included the Counts of Ponthieu, Evreux, Eu, 
and Meulan, William de Tancarville, chamberlain 
of Normandy, and Geoffrey and Guy de Lusignan. 



1173] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 127 

Amongst those who seem to have supported the young 
king out of affection for him rather than out of 
hatred of his father were William Marshal, younger 
son of Becket's adversary and one of the most 
brilliant knights of his time, Hasculf de Saint Hilaire, 
Robert Tregoz, and William de Dives. Further 
important allies were secured by recklessly liberal 
promises of reward : to Count Philip of Flanders 
young Henry promised the county of Kent with the 
castles of Dover and Rochester and £1000 of rent; 
to his brother, the Count of Boulogne, the county of 
Mortain and other lands ; to Theobald, Count of Blois, 
the castle of Amboise and £500 of rents from Anjou ; 
and a little later, when the unsatisfactory state of 
affairs in Normandy rendered desirable a diversion 
in England, Westmoreland with Carlisle and possibly 
also Northumberland were offered to King William 
of Scotland, while to his brother David the earldom 
of Huntingdon and Cambridge was granted. 

On the other hand, though his continental domains 
were seething with discontent, King Henry could 
count upon powerful support from the English 
magnates. The Earls of Cornwall, Surrey, Arundel, 
Essex, Northampton, and Salisbury could be relied 
upon ; Richard " Strongbow " of Pembroke was loyal, 
though too much engaged with affairs in Ireland to 
be of much assistance; and William of Gloucester, 
though married to the young Earl of Leicester's 
sister, would be at worst neutral. The best part of 
the baronage, headed by the great justiciar, Richard 



128 HENRY II [1173 

de Luci, " the Loyal," were to be depended upon, and 
included men of the military ability of Humphrey 
de Bohun, Robert de Stuteville, William de Vesci, 
and Odinell de Umfraville. The kings of Wales, David 
ap Owain and the redoubtable Rhys ap Gruffudd, 
with their hardy warriors, were also allies not to be 
despised. The valuable support of the Church was 
also, contrary to what might have been expected, 
strongly on the elder king's side, the only conspicuous 
exceptions being the Bishop of Durham and, curiously 
enough, Henry's former ardent partisan, Arnulf of 
Lisieux. To further strengthen his position Henry 
now filled up the six vacant English bishoprics, 
taking the opportunity to promote his faithful 
archdeacons ; Richard of Ilchester, Archdeacon of 
Poictiers, receiving the see of Winchester, Geoffrey 
Ridel of Canterbury that of Ely, and Reynold, 
Archdeacon of Salisbury, that of Bath ; Robert 
Foliot, Archdeacon of Lincoln and brother of the 
Bishop of London, obtained Hereford, Joscelin was 
promoted from the deanery to the bishopric of 
Chichester, and the great see of Lincoln was bestowed 
upon the king's illegitimate son Geoffrey. In this 
manner Henry showed his obedience to the papal 
demand that the vacant sees should be filled, and at 
the same time he obtained practical control of the 
episcopal bench. The primacy was for a time left 
unfilled, owing to disputes between the monks of 
Canterbury and the bishops of the province, and to 
other causes ; but in June, Richard, Prior of Dover, 



1173] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 129 

was elected by general consent, and, by a happy 
coincidence, on the day of his election there arrived 
a letter from the pope announcing that the martyred 
Thomas of Canterbury had been enrolled amongst 
the saints. 

Thanks to his wise policy in encouraging the trading 
and mercantile communities and in protecting the 
small men from the oppression of the great, Henry 
had on his side the bulk of the populace and especially 
the citizens of London, Rouen, and the other great 
towns. Finally, he had great financial resources, and 
it was this abundance of money that turned the scale 
in his favour by enabling him not only to hire large 
numbers of mercenaries but also to buy off many of 
the French nobles who were supposed to be supporting 
his rebellious sons. 

As soon as it was clear that his son had fled to 
raise the standard of rebellion Henry proceeded to 
Gisors and set that and his other frontier castles 
in a state of defence. While he was so doing a 
rumour reached the rebels that he was advancing 
to attack them and they at once prepared for battle. 
The young king had not yet been knighted, his 
father having intended that King Louis should 
bestow the dignity upon him ; but feeling that it 
would befit his position as leader of the army he 
now hastily sought the honour of knighthood at the 
hands of his faithful comrade and instructor in the 
art of arms, William Marshal. The alarm proved 
false ; Henry, so far from attacking, retired to Rouen, 



130 HENRY II [1173 

where he spent the greater part of the next four 
months hunting and apparently ignoring the out- 
break, but really keeping a watchful eye upon events 
and waiting the opportunity to strike a crushing blow. 
About the last week in June Henry appears to 
have made a hurried visit to England, going straight 
to Northampton, spending four days there, and then 
returning at once to Rouen. 1 Affairs in England 
were calculated to give rise to some anxiety. Al- 
though so many castles had been thrown down or 
taken into the king's hand since the beginning of his 
reign a considerable number still remained in private 
hands, and of these at least a score were now held 
for the rebels. On the east coast Hugh Bigot held 
Framlingham and Bungay; in the Midlands, Hun- 
tingdon was held for David of Scotland ; the Earl of 
Leicester had Leicester, Mountsorel, and Groby ; the 
Earl Ferrers Tutbury and Dufneld ; while Chester was 
held for Earl Hugh. In the north the Bishop of 
Durham had fortified Durham, Norham, and North- 
allerton, and Mowbray held Thirsk, Malzeard, and 
Axholme ; Hamo de Masci had castles at Dunham 
and Ullerwood, Geoffrey de Costantin at Stockport, 
and Richard de Morville at Lauder, and there were 
a number of smaller fortresses which might prove 

1 The Pipe Roll, 19 Henry II., shows an expenditure of £32, 6s. 5d. 
for the king's maintenance at Northampton for four days ; and it 
would seem that he travelled without luggage, as over £72 was spent 
at the same time on the outfit which the sheriff provided for the king. 
None of the chroniclers notice this flying visit, but the evidence 
appears to favour the end of June as the most probable date. 



1173] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 131 

centres of danger. The castles in the hands of the 
king and his supporters must have been at least five 
times as numerous, and the royal officers speedily 
set in order those in the districts most likely to 
be affected — the south-east, exposed to the raids of 
Flemish and French, and the north, where the Scots 
were to be feared. Porchester, Southampton, and 
Winchester were strengthened, so were Arundel, 
Chichester, and Hastings ; in Kent much money was 
spent on the castles of Dover, Canterbury, Rochester, 
and Chilham ; the Tower of London was of course 
a centre of activity ; at Oreford the outer defences 
were strengthened ; Walton, Colchester, and Norwich 
were garrisoned ; so were Hertford, Cambridge, 
Wisbeach, and Lincoln. Windsor, Oxford, Berkham- 
stead, Wallingford, Kenilworth, Warwick, Worcester, 
Nottingham, and the Peak carried the chain of royal 
strongholds across the country, while in the north 
were York, Bowes, Richmond, Carlisle, Prudhoe, 
Appleby, Wark, and Newcastle. For the present the 
chief centre of danger seemed to be Leicester, and it 
was no doubt as a result of the king's flying visit to 
Northampton that operations were set on foot early 
in July against Leicester. 

About the time that Henry returned to Rouen, 
on 29th June, Count Philip of Flanders captured 
Aumale, probably by the connivance of its defender, 
Count William of Aumale, and, after a more energetic 
resistance, the castle of Driencourt. This last suc- 
cess, however, was neutralised by the death of 



132 HENRY II [1173 

Philip's brother, Count Matthew of Boulogne. Mean- 
while the French army under King Louis and the 
young King Henry was vainly besieging Verneuil. 
Hugh de Lacy and Hugh de Beauchamp, who were in 
command of the defence, had no difficulty in repelling 
their attacks, but after a month's siege provisions 
ran short in the outermost of the three " bourgs " 
into which the town was divided, and the inhabitants 
agreed that if they were not relieved before 9th 
August they would surrender, the French on their 
side swearing to do them no harm. Henry, realising 
that instant action was necessary, advanced at once, 
burning the Earl of Leicester's abandoned castle of 
Breteuil on the way. When the two armies were in 
sight of one another on 8th August Louis sent envoys 
and obtained a truce until the next day, and Henry, 
not suspecting his good faith, retired to Conches. 
Next day Louis demanded the surrender of the 
bourg in accordance with the former agreement, and 
at once treacherously set it on fire and, adding 
cowardice to treachery, fled back to France, hotly 
pursued with great slaughter by Henry. The centre 
of action now shifted to Brittany, where the tur- 
bulent Breton nobles had risen under Ralph of 
Fougeres and the Earl of Chester. Against them 
Henry sent a strong force of Brabantine mercenaries 
under William de Humez, who inflicted a very severe 
defeat on the rebels, capturing Hasculf de Saint 
Hilaire, William Patric and others, and driving the 
remainder of the force into the castle of Dol. A 



1173] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 133 

messenger was sent off at full gallop to Henry at 
Rouen, and by an almost incredibly rapid forced 
march he covered the whole distance from Rouen 
to Dol, over 150 miles, in two days. 1 Earl Hugh 
and Ralph of Fougeres, seeing that resistance was 
hopeless, surrendered on 29th August, and by this 
single stroke eighty persons of rank and position 
and a number of men of lesser estate were captured 
and the rebellion in Brittany stamped out. The time 
now seemed ripe for a reconciliation, and on 25th 
September Henry met his three sons and King Louis 
near Gisors. The terms offered by the king to his 
sons were liberal in the extreme, but the French king 
had no wish to see peace restored and he persuaded 
them to reject the terms. The Earl of Leicester 
also, who had all arrangements made for an invasion 
of England, did his insolent best to keep the quarrel 
alive. 

We have seen that early in July preparations had 
been made for the siege of Leicester. On the 22nd 
of that month the town surrendered to the Earl of 
Cornwall and Richard de Luci ; the inhabitants 
were allowed to withdraw to St. Albans and other 
places of refuge and the town was set on fire. The 
castle, however, still held out, and in September news 
from the north caused the siege to be raised. King 
William of Scotland, having vainly offered his services 
to the elder Henry in return for a grant of Northum- 

1 All the authorities agree as to the rapidity of Henry's dash to 
Dol. Presumably he had with him only a small mounted escort. 



134 HENRY II [1173 

berland, accepted the younger Henry's promise of 
Westmoreland and assembled a large army to reduce 
the northern counties. His first move was against 
the castle of Wark, where Roger de Stuteville was in 
command ; Roger obtained a truce of forty days 
and the Scottish army passed on, ravaging and burn- 
ing as they went, and after an ineffectual attack 
on William de Vesci's castle of Alnwick captured 
Warkworth Castle. Newcastle, held for the king by 
Roger Fitz-Richard, Lord of Warkworth, proved too 
strong for the invaders, and their efforts were next 
directed against Carlisle. Here Robert de Vaux 
made a gallant defence, and news arriving of the 
advance of the English relieving force the Scots re- 
treated to Roxburgh in full flight. Richard de Luci, 
with the troops he had brought from Leicester, and 
Humphrey de Bohun, with a detachment of mercenary 
cavalry, pursued them across the border and burnt 
Berwick. But news reached them that the Earl of 
Leicester had landed with a force of Flemings at 
Walton on 29th September. Bohun at once turned 
southwards, while Luci negotiated with the Scottish 
king before the news of Leicester's landing could 
reach the latter. A truce was obtained to last until 
January, and by the Bishop of Durham's mediation 
this was afterwards extended to April 1174. 

The Earl of Leicester, on landing, had spent four 
days in a fruitless endeavour to capture Walton 
Castle, but finding it too strong to be taken, although 
Earl Hugh of Norfolk had brought a siege train 



1173] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 135 

to his assistance, he turned aside and attacked 
Haughley. This fortress, held by Ranulph de 
Broc, Becket's old adversary, was speedily captured 
and given to the flames, and then the earl's ini- 
tiative appears to have died out and he was content 
to quarter himself idly at Framlingham until Earl 
Hugh gave him a strong hint that he was outstaying 
his welcome. At last he decided to try and reach 
Leicester, and on 17th October he started, with the 
intention of passing to the north of Bury St. 
Edmunds. At the latter town the royalists, under 
Humphrey de Bohun, had been reinforced by troops 
under the Earls of Cornwall and Arundel, local levies 
under Roger le Bigod, the loyal son of old Earl Hugh, 
and Hugh de Cressi, and a detachment of hardy 
fighting men from Ireland. Setting out with St. 
Edmund's banner at their head they came upon 
the Flemings at Fornham-St. Geneveve. In actual 
numbers the advantage lay with the Earl of Lei- 
cester, but his followers were almost entirely in- 
fantry of poor quality, quite unfitted to cope with 
the powerful cavalry opposed to them, and it was 
only a matter of minutes before the Flemings had 
been ridden down and scattered, a prey for the 
country people, who bore them no good-will. Earl 
Robert and his cousin, Hugh de Chastel, were 
captured, and the gallant Countess Peronelle, clad 
in mail, falling into a stream in her flight, was with 
difficulty rescued from a death which she preferred 
to the disgrace of surrender. A halt was now made 



136 HENRY II [1173-4 

and forces collected to crush Earl Hugh, but with 
the aid of his wealth he bought a truce for himself 
and permission for the Flemish mercenaries still in 
England to leave the country unharmed. 

Henry, having seen the captured earl and countess 
safely lodged in the castle of Falaise, led an army 
into Anjou in November and captured Preuilly, La 
Haye, and Champigny with a large number of men 
of rank. The year 1173 thus ended favourably for 
the elder king, and truces with the kings of France 
and Scotland ensured peace until the close of Easter, 
31st March 1174. But with the beginning of April 
the struggle began again. The Scottish king crossed 
the border and besieged Wark, raiding as far as 
Bamborough, where William de Vesci's castle proved 
too strong to be attacked. Roger de Stuteville 
offered a vigorous defence, and the besiegers' 
artillery proving more deadly to themselves than to 
the garrison, King William abandoned the siege of 
Wark and concentrated his efforts on Carlisle. He 
had been joined by Roger Mowbray and Adam de 
Port, a Norman baron who had been banished and 
deprived of his English estates in 1172 for conspiring 
against Henry, and his army included the inevitable 
execrated Flemish mercenaries. Ruthless as these 
Flemish adventurers were, they were less inhuman 
than the savage Highlanders and men of Galloway 
who accompanied them. From Carlisle plundering 
bands ravaged and destroyed the northern counties, 
while more warlike expeditions captured the border 



1174] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 137 

forts of Liddel and Harbottle. Far more serious was 
the tame surrender of Appleby Castle : the aged Gos- 
patric, son of Orm, the English constable of the castle, 
was possibly too old for his responsible position, and 
his lack of confidence would seem to have affected the 
garrison, amongst whom were the steward of Hugh de 
Morville, the murderer of Becket, and one John de 
Morville, probably connections of Richard de Morville, 
who was a prominent supporter of the Scottish king. 
This success was followed up by the capture, after a 
desperate resistance, of Brough-under-Stanemore, and 
the general trend of affairs induced Robert de Vaux to 
obtain a truce for Carlisle on undertaking to surrender 
at Michaelmas if not relieved before that date. 

Henry, after assuring himself of the loyalty of 
Maine and Anjou in the spring of 1174, had entered 
Poitou and inflicted a crushing defeat on the troops 
of his son Richard at Saintes in May. Messages 
had been reaching him for some time past from the 
justiciar, who was besieging Huntingdon, urging his 
return to England, and on his arrival at Bonneville 
in Normandy on 24th June he was met by Richard 
of Ilchester, bishop-elect of Winchester, with news 
of the gravity of affairs. There was no mistaking 
the significance of the selection of Richard — " they 
could not have sent a more urgent messenger, unless 
they had sent the Tower of London" — and Henry 
at once prepared to cross to England. He accord- 
ingly embarked at Barfleur on 7th July, and being 
determined to leave no centres of disaffection behind 



138 HENRY II [1174 

him, he carried with him the Earls of Chester and 
Leicester, Queen Eleanor, who had been captured 
the previous year trying to reach the French court 
in male disguise, and Queen Margaret. The weather 
was stormy but the wind was in the right direction, 
and Henry bade the shipmen set sail, saying 
solemnly, " If what I purpose is for the peace of 
Church and people, and if the King of Heaven has 
decreed that peace shall be restored by my coming, 
then in His mercy may He grant me a safe passage. 
But if He has turned His face from me and has de- 
creed to afflict the kingdom with a rod, then may it 
never be mine to set foot on shore." The voyage 
to Southampton was accomplished in safety, and 
Henry at once proceeded, fasting and with all signs 
of humility, to Canterbury, where on 12th July he 
performed public penance at the tomb of St. Thomas. 
The Bishop of London delivered an address on the 
king's behalf, disavowing all share in the murder, 
but admitting that his rash words had been the actual 
cause of it ; then, after long remaining in prayer 
at the tomb, the king submitted to a ceremonial 
scourging at the hands of all the monks of the con- 
vent of Christ Church. Finally he made a grant of 
lands to the monastery in memory of the martyr, 
and probably at the same time settled a small in- 
come upon Becket's married sister, Roese, 1 his 

1 The Pipe Roll of 21 Henry II. shows a pension of 33s. 4d. paid 
to her for the last quarter of the twentieth year. She seems to have 
died in 1188, as the pension was then paid to her son John. 



1174] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 139 

other sister, Mary, having been appointed in the 
previous year Abbess of Berking. 

The news of Henry's landing put an end to the 
plans of the younger king for an invasion of England, 
which he had contemplated in company with Philip 
of Flanders. He had even gone so far as to send over 
three hundred picked Flemish knights under Ralph 
de la Haye in June. They had landed at Orewell, 
placed themselves under the command of Earl Hugh 
of Norfolk, and, after being repulsed from Dunwich, 
had captured the wealthy city of Norwich by 
treachery and gained thereby great plunder if little 
military advantage. This occurred on 18th June, 
and the news apparently caused the justiciar to 
relinquish the siege of Huntingdon, leaving Earl 
Simon of Northampton, who claimed the earldom 
of Huntingdon, to win the castle and the county for 
himself. As we have already seen an urgent message 
was despatched to the king, and about the same time 
Robert de Vaux obtained conditions for Carlisle. 
The Scottish army being thus set free for fresh enter- 
prises Roger Mowbray urged King William to move 
southwards to his assistance, his strongholds of 
Axholme and Malzeard having fallen before the 
troops of Geoffrey, the king's illegitimate son, the 
young bishop -elect of Lincoln, and Thirsk being 
threatened. William preferred the less hazardous 
course of keeping near his own borders, and laid 
siege to Odinal de Umfraville's castle of Prudhoe. 
The castle was strong and well provisioned, and 



140 HENRY II [1174 

Odinal succeeded in getting away to raise forces for 
its relief. Preparing to retreat into his own country, 
the Scottish king sent detachments of his army 
under Earl Duncan, the Earl of Angus, and Richard 
de Morville to ravage the country, while he with a 
small body of knights made a demonstration against 
Alnwick. The English forces under Ranulf de 
Glanvill, Odinal de Umfraville, Robert de Stuteville, 
William de Vesci, and Bernard de Baillol left Newcastle 
at daybreak on 13th July, and, favoured by a mist, 
surprised King William and his attendants close 
to Alnwick. William the Lion did not surrender 
tamely, but, mounting his horse, led his men against 
the foe. The odds were too heavy, however ; the 
king's charger was killed and he himself pinned 
to the ground by its fall, Roger de Mowbray and 
Adam de Port fled for safety, but the Scottish 
knights fought for their lord so long as resistance 
was possible. Thus on the day, possibly even at the 
hour, on which Henry completed his penance at the 
tomb of St. Thomas his most dangerous opponent 
was made prisoner. The good news was despatched 
at once by a mounted messenger, who found Henry 
resting at London, where he had had a most en- 
thusiastic reception upon his arrival. The king, 
who was unwell, was asleep, but the messenger 
would brook no delay, and the news of William's 
capture, which Henry could at first hardly believe, 
proved good medicine for the sick man. The nobles 
at court were at once told the news, and next day 




ilMlp 





SEAL OF WILLIAM THE LION (J) 



1174] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 141 

all the bells of London's six score churches rang in 
joy that the rebellion in England was at an end. 

A few days later the king advanced to Huntingdon, 
which surrendered to him on 21st July. He then 
turned to attack Earl Hugh's castle of Framlingham, 
and by the 24th had advanced with his siege train 
as far as Seleham ; but next day the earl met him 
there, gave up his castles of Bungay and Framling- 
ham, and agreed to pay a heavy fine for his offence 
and to make amends for the damage wrought by 
his soldiers ; he was at once restored to his earldom, 
and his Flemish troops were permitted to leave the 
country unmolested, but not to take any property 
with them. During this interview, which took place 
on horseback in the open air, the king was kicked 
on the leg by the horse of Tostes de St. Omer, a 
Templar of prominence, but the injury did not pre- 
vent his going on to Northampton, where the last 
act of the rebellion in England was played. Bishop 
Hugh Puiset, who had brought over a detachment 
of Flemings under command of his nephew, the 
Count of Bar, on the very day on which the Scottish 
king was captured, had sent back the infantry at 
once, but had retained his nephew and his men-at- 
arms until the fortune of war had set definitely in 
Henry's favour ; he now made submission, gave up 
his castles of Durham, Northallerton, and Norham, 
and dismissed his foreign allies. The Earl of Clare, 
who was believed to have been plotting action with 
Gilbert Munfichet when the latter fortified his London 



142 HENRY II [1174 

castle, tendered assurances of loyalty. Roger Mow- 
bray surrendered Thirsk ; Ansketil Malory, who had 
defended Leicester so well, and had even attacked 
and defeated the loyalists at Northampton, gave up 
his master's castles of Leicester, Groby, and Mount- 
sorel ; and Earl Ferrers, who not long before had 
sacked Nottingham, gave up Tutbury, which had 
been besieged for some time past by Rhys and his 
Welshmen. Rhys was rewarded by a grant of the 
castle and district of " Emelin," while the loyalty 
of David ap Owain of North Wales was recompensed 
by the hand of Emma, King Henry's half-sister. 

Although affairs in England had been settled so 
satisfactorily there was no time to be lost ; taking 
advantage of Henry's absence King Louis had 
pressed forward with the young King Henry and in- 
vested Rouen. The town was devoted to the elder 
Henry's interests ; it was well provisioned and was 
in no great danger, but it was clearly desirable that 
it should be relieved as soon as possible, and on 8th 
August Henry sailed for Barfleur, carrying his more 
important prisoners with him and taking back not 
only the Brabantine mercenaries he had brought 
over in June but also a number of Welsh troops. 
These latter on 12th August, the day after their 
arrival at Rouen, crossed the Seine and made a 
bold and successful raid on the French camp, and 
next day a sally from the town resulted in the easy 
destruction of the defensive works of the besiegers' 
camp. When the war had opened just a year before, 



1174] REBELLION OF THE YOUNG KING 143 

in August 1173, with the siege of Verneuil, Louis 
had shown a blend of treachery, cowardice, and in- 
competence, and now that the war was closing with 
this siege of Rouen his conduct displayed the same 
features. Just before Henry's arrival, on St. Lau- 
rence's Day (10th August), the French king had 
declared a truce in honour of the saint and then 
made secret preparations for storming the city ; 
fortunately some priests, who happened to be on 
the belfry looking at the view, saw the movement 
in the enemy's camp and rang the tocsin ; the citizens 
flew to arms, and the French took therefrom no ad- 
vantage but dishonour and disgrace. On the day 
after the successful sally the French burnt their 
siege engines and fled, Louis staving off pursuit by 
proposing a conference at Malannai next day, but 
again breaking his word and flying into France. 

Negotiations were opened on 8th September at 
Gisors, but as Richard was still defying his father in 
Poitou a settlement was postponed and Henry went 
in pursuit of his warlike son. A couple of weeks 
sufficed to bring Richard to terms, and on the last 
day of September conditions of peace were drawn 
up. The followers of the young king were released 
from the allegiance they had sworn to him, and were 
received back into the king's favour and as full 
possession of their lands as they had at the time 
war broke out ; prisoners were released without 
ransom, except such as had already come to terms 
and also excepting the King of Scotland, the Earls 



144 HENRY II [1174 

of Leicester and Chester, and Ralph of Fougeres ; 
all castles that had been built or strengthened during 
the rebellion were to be restored to their former 
condition, and, indeed, so far as possible everything 
was to resume its previous existence. The young 
King Henry was granted two castles in Normandy 
and a yearly allowance of £15,000 Angevin money 
(£3600 English) ; Richard should have two castles 
of no strategic importance in Poitou and half the 
revenues of that province, and Geoffrey half the in- 
heritance of Constance, daughter of Count Conan 
of Brittany, and the whole when he married her. 
At the same time the young king agreed to the 
bestowal upon his youngest brother, John, of the 
castles of Nottingham and Marlborough, and £1000 
from the English revenues, as well as castles and 
rents in Normandy, Anjou, and Maine. Richard 
and Geoffrey then did homage to their father, but 
this ceremony was dispensed with in Henry's case 
out of deference to his rank of king. Finally, in 
December, King William the Lion obtained his re- 
lease from the prison at Falaise by becoming the 
vassal of Henry and undertaking to hold Scotland 
under the English king. To ensure the fulfilment of 
this treaty the castles of Edinburgh, Roxburgh, 
Berwick, Jedburgh, and Stirling were surrendered to 
Henry. The close of 1174 thus found Henry com- 
pletely triumphant and the formidable combination 
of his enemies absolutely shattered. 





















-r\3£ 



CHAPTER VIII 

HENRY AND HIS SONS— HIS DOWNFALL 
AND DEATH 

The economic effects of the rebellion were far- 
reaching. Those who had been involved in it re- 
turned, it is true, nominally to the position in which 
they had been before the outbreak, but their lands 
had been systematically ravaged, their castles given 
to the flames, and blackened ruins told for a genera- 
tion the tale of their disastrous failure. So far as 
England was concerned these effects were more 
localised and less extensive. During the war 
Mowbray's castles of Kirkby Malzeard and Axholme 
had been destroyed, and at its close the same fate 
befell Thirsk. Thetford and Brackley and the two 
Kentish castles of Allington and Saltwood had been 
dismantled before the end of 1174, and so had 
Geoffrey de Turville's castle of Weston. Next year 
saw the overthrow of Groby and Tutbury ; Dudley, 
the castle of Earl Ferrers' son-in-law, Gervase 
Painel, was razed and its owner fined 500 marks 
for his share in the revolt, his neighbour and comrade 
in arms, Hamo de Masci, being at the same time 
fined 300 marks. The strongholds of Huntingdon 
and Leicester were rendered incapable of again 



145 



K 



146 HENRY II [1175 

resisting the king's forces, and the great English 
military architect and engineer, iElnoth, came down 
to supervise the levelling of the walls of Framling- 
ham Castle and the filling of its fosse. For strategic 
reasons the fort at Walton, which had successfully 
resisted the Flemish invaders, was destroyed in 
1176, and also the keep of Bennington, and the 
Bishop of Durham only saved his castle of North- 
allerton by a payment of 2000 marks. What other 
castles disappeared we do not know, but such as 
remained were taken into the king's hands, the 
Earl of Gloucester yielding Bristol and Gloucester 
with great reluctance. 

The expenses of the war must have strained 
Henry's finances severely. For the expeditions on 
the Scottish border alone we know that Ranulph 
de Glanville and Robert de Stuteville paid over 
£2000 to their troops, and the cost of the mercenaries 
employed on the Continent must have been very 
heavy. A large but quite uncertain sum must have 
been obtained from the ransom of the many im- 
portant prisoners taken, and further contributions 
were levied in the form of fines. The Earl of 
Leicester was impleaded by Bertram de Verdon, 
Sheriff of Leicestershire, for injuries done by his men 
and fined 500 marks. Nine citizens of York who had 
sided with the rebels were fined 1300 marks between 
them, several of them being also fined smaller sums 
for receiving goods belonging to Flemings. These 
latter had been banished from England, saving their 



1175] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 147 

lives at the expense of their property, and the town- 
ship of Selby was fined £5 for allowing Flemings to 
carry away their goods, William of Selby 5 marks 
for not detaining Flemings whom he saw pass through 
the town, and Fulk of Selby £10 for hiring his ship 
to the Flemings. For the most part these foreigners 
were clothworkers, and their forfeited property, 
consisting chiefly of wool, did not yield any great 
sum. A more fruitful source of income arose from 
the estates of the Earl of Leicester and his com- 
panions during the time that they were in arms 
against the king, and from these only about £300 
were obtained between September 1174 and the 
restoration of the estates to their owners. Apart 
from the 2600 marks assessed upon the citizens of 
York, the Earl of Leicester, Gervase Painel, and 
Hamo de Masci, £500 was raised by smaller fines 
upon persons who had sold horses or armour or 
given other assistance to the rebels. Even adding in 
Earl Hugh's fine of 700 marks and the 500 marks 
which Gospatric was fined for the surrender of 
Appleby, the total amount accounted for at the 
exchequer as wrung from the vanquished party 
seems to have fallen far short of £4000. Searching 
for some device to fill his empty coffers Henry hit 
upon the idea of vigorously punishing all offences 
against the Forest Laws which had been committed 
during the time of the disturbances. Accordingly, 
in August 1175, he held pleas of the forest at Notting- 
ham and afterwards at York in person ^and sent 



148 HENRY II [1175 

special commissioners to hold similar pleas in other 
counties. The baronage protested, and Richard de 
Luci produced the king's own writ issued at the 
time of the war, apparently suspending the Forest 
Laws and authorising any person to take wood and 
venison in the royal forests. It is as difficult to 
understand why Henry issued such a writ as it is 
to see upon what grounds he set it aside. Possibly 
a writ intended to apply to certain special cases, 
such as the taking of venison for the provisioning 
of the royal troops or of timber for military works, 
had by a misunderstanding or error of wording 
been made to apply generally, and Henry declined 
to accept responsibility for the mistake. However 
this may be, it is clear that his action in pressing 
these pleas was at least a piece of sharp practice, 
and the heavy fines exacted can hardly be regarded 
in the circumstances as anything but extortion. 
The sum of the fines inflicted appears to have been 
£13,450, and although much of this was not paid 
at once and some was in the end remitted, the 
eventual yield seems to have been quite £10,000. 
About 1700 persons were amerced ; and when it is 
remembered that to these must be added a large 
number of cases in which whole townships were 
fined, it is clear that the total number of persons 
affected must have been very large. A few fortunate 
counties, such as Kent, Sussex, Norfolk, and Suffolk, 
contained no royal forests, but elsewhere every class 
of man was swept into the legal net, from the great 



1176] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 149 

baron to the villein and including the clergy. Henry 
had indeed succeeded in wringing from the papal 
legate, Cardinal Ugoccione, the concession that the 
clergy should be subject to the Forest Laws. 

The legate had been sent over to settle the rival 
claims of the sees of Canterbury and York, but his 
arrival only tended to aggravate matters. At a 
synod held at Westminster on 18th March 1176, the 
endeavours of Archbishop Roger of York to oust 
Richard of Canterbury from his seat of honour on 
the legate's right hand led to a disgraceful scuffle, 
in which Archbishop Roger was attacked by the 
supporters of the southern primate, knocked down, 
and in the end ignominiously ejected from the 
chapel. The legate indignantly dismissed the synod 
and was with difficulty persuaded to retain his 
official position. In July he left England, having 
accomplished practically nothing in the matter of 
the rival sees. If popular rumour was correct in 
believing that he had been sounded by Henry on 
the question of a divorce from Queen Eleanor, in 
this matter also there had been no result. The one 
important result of his visit had been that the clergy 
were for the future to be subject to the Forest Laws 
and also to plead in the king's court in matters 
touching lay fees. It is said that by way of com- 
pensation Henry recognised their exemption from 
lay jurisdiction in all other matters, agreed not to 
make a practice of retaining vacant bishoprics and 
abbeys in his hands, and granted that the murder of 



150 HENRY II [1176 

a clerk should be punished by forfeiture. Even if 
these concessions were made they were far from re- 
conciling those of the clerical party who still held 
Becket's ideal of the supremacy of the Church. 

Restored to favour with the pope and victorious over 
as formidable a combination of his enemies as could 
well be formed against him, Henry was now at the 
height of his power, recognised throughout Europe 
as a prince whose friendship was worth seeking. In 
his court at Westminster on 12th November 1176, 
might have been seen ambassadors from the Emperor 
Manuel of Constantinople, the Emperor Frederic, 
the Duke of Saxony, the Count of Flanders, and the 
Archbishop of Rheims. About the same time also 
came a joint mission from the Kings of Castile and 
Navarre asking Henry to arbitrate between them in 
a dispute about certain castles and other territory. 
Accordingly, in the following March Henry heard 
the arguments of the rival embassies and gave his 
decision after consultation with the peers of his court, 
sentencing each side to make restitution to the other 
and further condemning the King of Castile to pay 
to Navarre 3000 maravedis a year for the next ten 
years. This King Alphonso of Castile had married 
Henry's daughter Eleanor in 1170, and about the 
time that the subject of this arbitration was first 
broached, at the end of 1176, another of Henry's 
daughters, Joan, was on her way to marry King 
William of Sicily. Negotiations for the marriage 
had been opened earlier in the year, and after her 







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1176] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 151 

trousseaux had been bought in London, at a cost 
of over £100 (say £2500 of modern money), she 
travelled through France with a brilliant retinue to 
St. Gilles, where she found awaiting her the Sicilian 
nobles and the Bishop of Norwich. The unfortunate 
bishop had been sent on ahead earlier in the year 
to Sicily to make final arrangements and had had 
a very rough time ; the country through which he 
passed was suffering from famine and he could hardly 
get provisions for himself or his horse ; accommoda- 
tion sometimes failed completely, so that he had to 
sleep on the rocks or sand of the seashore, and when 
he had a roof over his head he found that the fleas 
had no reverence for his episcopal or ambassadorial 
dignity, so that he was very pleased to complete 
his mission by handing the princess over to the 
Sicilians and to hurry back to England in time for 
the Christmas festivities at the court at Nottingham. 
Two other marriages occupied the king's attention 
about this time. The young daughter of Count 
Hubert of Maurienne having died, Henry had to 
find another heiress as bride for his favourite son 
John, and ultimately decided that the great estates 
of the Earl of Gloucester would make a suitable 
endowment for the landless prince. The earl had 
three daughters, of whom two were already married 
to the Earl of Hertford and the Count of Evreux, 
and Henry now prevailed upon the earl to agree that 
all his estates should be settled upon the remaining 
daughter, Isabel, and that she should be betrothed 



152 HENRY II [1177 

to John, for whom the king had also reserved the 
great estates of his uncle, Earl Reynold of Cornwall, 
upon the latter's death in 1175, with similar disregard 
for the rights of his daughters and lawful heirs. 
Having settled this matter to his satisfaction Henry 
next found himself confronted with the question of 
Richard's matrimonial affairs. Richard had long 
been pledged to marry Alais, daughter of King 
Louis, and she had been, in accordance with the 
usual practice of the time, brought up at the court 
of her intended father-in-law. She was now about 
twenty and the King of France was pressing for the 
marriage to be performed, and in 1177 a papal 
legate was despatched from Rome with instructions 
to lay Henry's dominions under an interdict if he 
should refuse to carry out the agreement. In August 
of that year Henry crossed to Normandy and next 
month met the legate at Rouen, and on 21st September 
held a conference with King Louis at Ivry. At this 
conference the promise that Richard should marry 
Alais seems to have been renewed in an informal 
way, but Henry had no intention of fulfilling it, 
and indeed it seems probable that he was at this time 
himself the lover of the princess, who had succeeded 
the famous Rosamund Clifford in his affections when 
that beautiful favourite died. 1 

1 " Fair Rosamund " was buried at Godstow Abbey, where the 
king set up a wonderfully carved monument to her memory. As we 
find fifty marks paid " for work at Godstow" in 1177, the first of a 
number of similar payments, it is probable that she had been buried 
there the previous year. 



1177] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 153 

A more important effect of the conference at Ivry 
was the treaty then drawn up between the two 
kings, composing their differences and agreeing to 
submit such points as still remained in dispute to 
arbitration, and also agreeing to go together on 
crusade to the Holy Land. Henry probably never 
had the slightest intention of going to Jerusalem ; 
indeed to have done so, leaving behind him such 
disloyal and unprincipled young scoundrels as his 
sons had proved themselves to be, would have been 
madness, even if he had felt any particular interest 
in the fate of the Holy Land. It will be remembered 
that the terms upon which Henry was absolved from 
the guilt of the murder of Becket had included the 
payment of a large sum for the support of the 
warriors in Palestine and his personal participation 
in a crusade for three years. The first of these ob- 
ligations he would seem to have discharged early in 
1177, when the Earl of Essex and other English 
knights went with Count Philip of Flanders to the 
East, as William de Braose was sent "to carry the 
king's alms to the Templars." The three years' 
crusade was commuted for the foundation of three 
monasteries, and Henry, whose partiality for monastic 
establishments was by no means marked, contrived 
to interpret this obligation in a way consistent with 
the strictest economy. Finding that the secular 
canons of Waltham had become remiss in the per- 
formance of their duties, he ejected them from their 
collegiate church, with the connivance of their dean, 



154 HENRY II [1177 

Guy Rufus, and replaced them by canons regular 
of the Augustinian order. In the same way, finding 
the lives of the nuns at Amesbury far from satis- 
factory, he turned them out, pensioning off the 
abbess, and put in their place other nuns from the 
Norman abbey of Fontevrault. Both of these trans- 
formations took place in the latter half of 1177, 
and for the next few years the work of rebuilding 
and enlarging at Waltham and Amesbury were 
carried on at the king's expense on a fairly generous 
scale. The third monastery was a new foundation, 
a small priory of Carthusians established at Witham 
in Somerset. It would seem that Henry brought 
over a few brethren from the famous monastery of 
Chartreuse early in 1175, but gave them no assistance 
and took no further steps towards establishing 
them in permanent buildings. The first prior aban- 
doned his post in despair and the next died soon 
after his arrival at Witham ; Henry then succeeded 
with much difficulty in persuading the Prior of 
Chartreuse to send Hugh of Avalon, a monk of equal 
ability and piety ; but when he came he had to 
endure the same heartbreaking round of delays, 
evasions, and unfulfilled promises, and it was not 
until about 1180, when Henry discovered the true 
worth and charm of his personality and became his 
close friend, that the king made any endeavour to 
complete the priory of Witham. It was char- 
acteristic of Henry that when the prior expressed 
his wish for a copy of the Holy Scriptures for the 



1177] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 155 

use of his brethren, the king compelled the monks of 
Winchester to give up an elaborately written copy, 
which they had just completed for their own use, 
and presented it to the grateful monks of Witham. 
It was equally characteristic of Hugh that, when he 
learnt how the precious volume had been provided, 
he insisted upon returning it to its rightful owners. 

The warm affection which the king lavished upon 
Hugh led many people to believe that the latter was 
Henry's son, a belief strengthened by a certain 
likeness observable between the two. And indeed 
the likeness was not confined to physical traits, for 
Hugh, with all his piety and austerity, was quick- 
tempered and quick-witted and had as keen ap- 
preciation for a joke as had Henry himself, and 
fully realised that a witty as well as a soft answer 
may turn away wrath. On one occasion, having 
incurred the king's wrath by excommunicating one 
of his foresters, he was summoned to Woodstock 
and found Henry and his courtiers sitting in a circle 
on the grass. To intimate his displeasure the king 
ignored Hugh's salutation and maintained a sulky 
silence, the attendant nobles following his example ; 
Hugh calmly pushed aside an earl and sat down 
next to the king, who, incapable of resting idle, 
called for a needle and thread and began to stitch 
a torn leather finger-stall which he was wearing on 
his left hand. Hugh watched him for a minute 
and then said dryly, " How like you are now to your 
cousins of Falaise ! " The impudence of the remark 



156 HENRY II [1177 

appealed to Henry, who lay back and roared with 
laughter, and then himself explained to such of his 
courtiers as had not grasped the point that the 
allusion was to his descent, through William the 
Conqueror, from the peasant girl of Falaise, a town 
famous for its skinners and leatherworkers. This 
incident occurred after Hugh had been promoted, 
in 1186, from the priory of Witham to the bishopric 
of Lincoln, which had been held from 1173 to 1182 
by the king's acknowledged bastard, Geoffrey, who, 
however, preferring rather to fleece than to tend his 
sheep, had never been consecrated to the see. 

It is curious that Henry, himself careless of re- 
ligion and actively antagonistic to the Church, 
should have lavished his warmest affection upon 
two men destined after their death to rank in the 
calendar of saints. The intimate friend of his early 
years became St. Thomas of Canterbury, and the 
chosen associate of the closing years of his reign 
was destined to become St. Hugh of Lincoln. The 
claims to saintship of the two men were singularly 
different ; Thomas was one of those arrogant, 
fighting ecclesiastics who identify the cause of the 
Church with themselves and " take the kingdom of 
heaven by violence," while Hugh was a man of peace, 
one of those who identify themselves with the cause 
of God, to whom beatification comes as the natural 
reward for the blessings they have themselves be- 
stowed upon their flocks. Of the two St. Thomas 
inevitably made the greater impression upon the 



1177-9] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 157 

popular imagination, and his shrine was a centre of 
pilgrimage long before St. Hugh had even left his 
obscure priory for the great bishopric of Lincoln. 
A great impulse was no doubt given to the adoration 
of St. Thomas by the events of 1174, when the 
capture of the King of Scotland followed so imme- 
diately upon Henry's penance at Canterbury. In 
the twelfth century people did not talk of coincidence 
or propound elaborate theories that the concentra- 
tion of Henry's mind upon the desire for victory 
had acted upon the brain centres of Ranulph de 
Glanville's subconsciousness and spurred him on to 
action. They simply accepted as a fact the personal 
intervention of St. Thomas, and Henry himself 
countenanced that view by going with his royal son 
on a pilgrimage of thanksgiving to Canterbury on 
28th May 1175. Later in that year the young 
Queen Margaret visited the shrine " for the sake of 
prayer," and it is not improbable that we have 
the partial fulfilment of her petitions in the birth 
of a son at Paris in June 1177 ; but if so the answer 
to her prayers was only partial, for the child lived 
barely long enough to be christened William, and 
died within three days of his birth. A still more 
remarkable tribute to the fame of St. Thomas was 
paid in 1179. At that time King Louis was arrang- 
ing for the coronation of his son Philip, then fourteen 
years old, but just before the date fixed for the 
ceremony the boy fell ill as the result of a hunting mis- 
adventure. Casting about in his mind for a suitable 



158 HENRY II [1179-80 

spiritual advocate it was not unnatural that the king's 
choice should fall upon Thomas of Canterbury ; if 
he had come so effectually to the help of his old adver- 
sary Henry he might surely be relied upon to assist 
his old supporter Louis. King Henry readily acceded 
to the French king's request for a safe conduct and 
met him in person at Dover on 22nd August, 
whence the two kings went next day to Canterbury. 
Here King Louis offered his petition at the tomb 
of the saint and enriched the convent with the 
grant of a yearly render of wine and exemption 
from customs for goods exported for their use from 
France. 

On his return to France the king found his son 
convalescent, and in November the postponed corona- 
tion took place, the younger Henry being amongst 
those present. But before this date King Louis 
himself had been struck down with paralysis, and 
after nine months' illness he died on 18th September 
1180. Death was busy about this time ; Richard 
de Luci, the great justiciar, had died in July 1179 
at the priory of Lesnes, which he had founded ; 
Pope Alexander III. died in August 1181, and Roger, 
Archbishop of York, in the following November. 
In Louis, Henry lost an old antagonist, but one whose 
weakness and incompetence had been a source of 
strength to the English king. Henry had never 
pursued an aggressive policy towards France and 
had never attempted to crush Louis or even to 
throw off his nominal suzerainty ; when their claims 



H80-2] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 159 

clashed, as they frequently had done, he was content 
to defeat the attack or outwit the diplomacy of the 
French king, but in the young Philip there was 
growing up a far more formidable adversary and 
one who could neither be hoodwinked nor driven 
from the field without difficulty. For the time, how- 
ever, Henry's relations with the young French king 
were almost paternal. In the spring of 1180 Henry 
intervened to reconcile Philip and his uncles of the 
house of Blois, and in July of the following year he 
patched up a peace between Philip and his wife's 
uncle, Count Philip of Flanders. This peace was 
broken before the end of the year, when Count 
Philip formed a coalition against the King of France, 
and he might have fared badly if the younger Henry, 
who had remained in Normandy after his father had 
gone back to England, had not come to the rescue. 
Peace was again patched up between France and 
Flanders by Henry in March 1182, and the two 
Philips united with Henry in intervening on behalf 
of the latter's son-in-law, Henry the Lion of Saxony, 
who had incurred the enmity of the Emperor Frederic 
and had been sentenced to seven years' banishment. 
As a result of this intervention the duke's sentence 
was substantially reduced, and when he came to 
Normandy with his wife and children he was 
warmly welcomed and liberally provided for by 
Henry. 

Conspicuous as was Henry's success in dealing 
with foreign princes, his failure when dealing 



160 HENRY II [H83 

with his own sons was equally conspicuous. He 
could act as peacemaker between France and 
Flanders, but from 1176 onwards his sons were con- 
tinually at war, sometimes assisting one another to 
suppress rebellious vassals, at other times quarrelling 
among themselves. Richard in particular was con- 
tinually righting in Poitou, where his arrogance and 
licentiousness had made him extremely unpopular 
with his subjects. Matters came to a crisis early 
in 1183, when, upon Richard's refusing to do homage 
for Poitou to the younger Henry, the latter with his 
brother Geoffrey joined the discontented Poitevins 
and made war upon Richard. King Henry came to 
the help of Richard and advanced to Limoges, where 
he had a narrow escape from being shot by his sons' 
soldiers. The rebellious princes, relying upon their 
father's affection, obtained a succession of truces 
which they broke without compunction whenever it 
suited their purpose, ill-treating his messengers and 
plundering his supporters. Geoffrey stripped the 
shrine of St. Martial at Limoges in order to pay his 
mercenaries, and the young king, finding his plans 
going astray, took an oath at that same shrine to go 
on crusade. His father endeavoured to persuade 
him to renounce the rash vow, but when he found 
him apparently intent upon the project generously 
promised to equip him. He repaid the generous 
offer by abandoning the scheme and indulging in a 
plundering foray, stripping the monastery of Gram- 
mont, the one religious house for which his father 



1183] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 161 

had displayed an affection. Towards the end of 
May 1183 the young king fell ill, but this did not 
deter him from sacking the famous shrine of 
Roquemadour. On his way back from this sacri- 
legious exploit he was obliged to stop at Martel, 
as his fever had much increased and soon developed 
into dysentery. Realising that it was likely to end 
in death he sent for his father, but Henry, naturally 
suspecting a trap, would not come, though he sent a 
sapphire ring to his son as a token of his affection, 
and possibly with the hope that the mystic curative 
qualities of that precious stone might prove bene- 
ficial. On 11th June the young man died, ex- 
pressing a pious penitence which would have been 
more edifying had it been displayed earlier, and 
commissioning the faithful William Marshal, who 
had just been recalled to his court after an un- 
deserved period of exile, to perform for him the two 
years' crusade which he had sworn to undertake. 

The death of the unfilial and unprincipled Henry 
had followed so close upon his sacrilegious spoliation 
of St. Amadour that it might well have been con- 
sidered a divine judgment, and it is almost in- 
credible that even his most devoted partisans could 
have proclaimed him a saint ; yet such was the 
case, and a few audacious and imaginative adherents 
even asserted that miracles had been wrought by 
him. His liberality, good fellowship, and manly 
courage, which showed itself in his addiction to the 
tournament, a form of sport so far from saintly that 

L 



162 HENRY II [1183-5 

it was under the papal ban, had made him friends 
who mourned his loss ; a still larger number re- 
gretted the removal of a tool so useful for under- 
mining the influence of the hated King of England. 
The one man who sorrowed for him most sincerely 
was the father against whom he had sinned so per- 
sistently. 

Within a month of the young king's death the 
rebellion which he had fomented was at an end. 
During the latter half of 1183 Henry appears to 
have made an uneventful tour through his con- 
tinental dominions, but in the spring of 1184 we find 
him negotiating for the re-marriage of the Count of 
Flanders, sending his own royal yacht to fetch the 
bride, a daughter of the King of Portugal, and con- 
ducting her from La Rochelle to the Flemish border. 
And, more or less as the result of this marriage, we 
find him called upon to interfere once more between 
the King of France and the Count of Flanders to 
procure peace. Immediately afterwards, on 10th 
June 1184, Henry crossed once more to England, 
after an absence of two years. The next six months 
were largely taken up with the choice of a successor 
to Archbishop Richard, who had died in the pre- 
ceding February. At last, after several names had 
been suggested by the Canterbury monks only to be 
rejected by the king, Bishop Baldwin of Worcester 
was elected on 16th December. 

The year 1185 opened with the arrival at Canter- 
bury of Heraclius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, charged 



1185] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 163 

by Baldwin, the head of the tottering kingdom of 
Jerusalem, with an appeal to Henry for help. On 
18th March Henry gave formal audience to Heraclius, 
who offered him the keys of the Holy Sepulchre and 
the crown of Jerusalem, and produced a letter from 
the pope urging a new crusade. By the advice of 
his council Henry declared his inability to go in 
person, and he also declined to accept the crown 
for any of his sons, but he promised assistance in 
men and money, and large numbers of his nobles 
took the cross. A month later the king and the 
patriarch passed over together into Normandy, and 
on 1st May they had an interview with King Philip 
of France, who took up the same line as Henry had 
done, so that Heraclius had to return to his master 
with the promise indeed of assistance, but dis- 
appointed in his hopes of obtaining an influential 
leader. As soon as the interview was over Henry 
had to turn his attention to his quarrelsome son 
Richard. Untaught by experience, the king had 
continued to provoke his sons against one another 
and against himself, striving to wrest Aquitaine from 
Richard for the benefit of John and then setting 
John and Geoffrey to fight their elder brother ; this 
quarrel had been composed for a time, but Richard 
was now attacking the lands of his brother Geoffrey, 
and in order to quiet him Henry sent for Queen 
Eleanor, the rightful owner of Poitou, and forced 
Richard to surrender the province into his mother's 
hands. This had the desired effect of restoring 



164 HENRY II [1186-7 

order, and in August 1186 Geoffrey was killed in a 
tournament at Paris, regretted by none except his 
father and Philip of France. 

In May 1186 Henry, who was an inveterate match- 
maker, had arranged for the marriage of King 
William of Scotland with his cousin Ermengarde, 
daughter of Richard, Viscount of Beaumont. The 
marriage took place at Woodstock on 5th September, 
Henry's wedding present taking the shape of the 
Castle of Edinburgh ; but before it was celebrated 
the two kings had marched north together, in July, 
and compelled Ronald, son of Uctred, the usurping 
Lord of Galloway, to submit to Henry's judgment. 
But while Henry's relations with his old adversary 
of Scotland were thus satisfactory there was growing 
friction between him and Philip of France. The 
questions of the dower due to the young king's 
widow, Margaret, and of the marriage of Philip's 
other sister Alais to Richard, had been debated with 
acrimony on several occasions, and the action of the 
English Constable of Gisors in destroying a fortress 
in process of erection on the French border and 
killing the son of the French knight in charge of 
the work, in October 1186, had further exasperated 
Philip. For the time the storm blew over, but in 
May 1187, after an ineffective endeavour to come 
to terms with Philip, Henry prepared for war. The 
French king besieged Richard and John at Chateau- 
roux and Henry had to come to their rescue, but a 
pitched battle was avoided by the interposition of 



1187-8] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 165 

Pope Urban III., whose anxiety for the fate of 
Palestine made him particularly desirous of peace 
in Europe, and a truce for two years was agreed 
upon on 23rd June. Immediately afterwards Philip 
began to cultivate Richard's friendship, hoping to 
use him against his father, as he had done young 
Henry and Geoffrey. Richard swallowed the bait 
and went off with Philip, living for some time in the 
closest intimacy with him, ignoring his father's re- 
monstrances, and even plundering his treasury at 
Chinon ; but after a while he came to a better mind 
and returned to his allegiance. 

In January 1188 Henry was preparing to return 
to England, when Philip threatened to invade 
Normandy unless the marriage of his sister Alais 
and Richard were celebrated at once and the fortress 
of Gisors surrendered to France. Henry at once 
proceeded to meet him at the usual place, a great elm 
standing on the borders of France and Normandy 
near Gisors. Little progress was made in the negotia- 
tions until the arrival of the Archbishop of Tyre, 
who preached a stirring sermon on the misfortunes 
of Palestine, recounting the capture of King Guy 
and the True Cross by Saladin in July 1187 — a dis- 
aster which caused the death of Pope Urban III. — and 
the fall of Jerusalem in the following October. His 
hearers were so moved that almost with one accord 
they vowed to go upon crusade, Henry and Philip 
setting the example and putting aside all their 
differences. So great were the numbers of those 



166 HENRY II [1188 

that took the cross that it was needful to adopt 
badges to distinguish the different nationalities, 
the French wearing red crosses, the followers of the 
English king white crosses, and the Flemings green. 
Henry at once issued orders at Le Mans for the 
collection of a tithe to be levied throughout all his 
continental dominions. All persons who did not go 
to the crusade themselves were to give a tenth of their 
goods, and arrangements were made for ensuring 
that none should evade his duty. Those who were 
willing to serve in person might take the tithes of 
their men and lands for their own equipment. As 
soon as this ordinance had been published Henry 
hastened to England, landing at Winchester on 
30th January. A fortnight later a council was held 
at Geddington, when the ordinance for the collection 
of the crusading tithe, usually known as the Saladin 
tithe, was made applicable to England. The King 
of Scotland was urged to follow his suzerain's lead, 
and Archbishop Baldwin was sent to preach the 
crusade in Wales, accompanied by Gerald de Barri, 
who has left an account of the mission containing 
many interesting details of Welsh topography and 
history and a very full appreciation of the services 
rendered by Gerald himself. 

Meanwhile Richard, who had taken the cross the 
previous year in Brittany, was indulging in a little 
war with the Count of Toulouse with considerable 
success. Philip, who appears to have incited 
Richard to action in order to pick a further quarrel 



1188] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 167 

with Henry, now complained to the latter of his 
son's conduct, and in June invaded Berry, capturing 
Chateauroux and other places. Henry crossed once 
more, for the last time, to Normandy, to find that 
Richard had driven Philip out of Berry. After some 
desultory border raiding a conference was arranged 
between the two kings at the historic elm by Gisors. 
Neither side would accede to the demands of the 
other, and after a proposal to settle the dispute by 
battle between four picked champions from either 
side had been rejected, preparations were made to 
resume the campaign. Some of the French troops, 
irritated at the sight of the English resting in comfort 
in the shade of the elm while they themselves were 
out in the heat, cut down the famous tree. Philip 
was annoyed at the spiteful vandalism, and Henry 
vowed to revenge the elm. 

For the moment no fighting took place ; the Counts 
of Flanders and of Blois and other French nobles 
declining to serve any longer against Christians when 
their arms were so badly needed in Palestine, Philip 
was obliged to disband his forces, and Henry did 
likewise, giving, however, secret orders for their 
reassembly at Pacey. Thence he sent them across 
the French border to ravage the district round 
Mantes, while Richard operated further south from 
Chateauroux. King Henry took little active part 
in this campaign, as he had been taken ill at Chinon 
early in the autumn. A meeting of the kings at 
Chatillon in October came to nothing, and Philip 



168 HENRY II [H88-9 

began to tamper with Richard's unstable fidelity. 
A promise that he should have Anjou, Touraine and 
Maine in reward for deserting his father speedily 
brought Richard over to Philip's side, and the latter 
then arranged for a fresh conference with Henry at 
Bonmoulins on 18th November. Richard and Philip 
arrived together, and though the former explained 
to his father that his meeting with the French king 
on the way was quite accidental, Henry's incredulity 
and alarm were soon justified. Philip, after proposing 
a mutual retrocession of all territories taken during 
the recent campaign, again demanded the marriage 
of Richard and Alais, the cession to Richard of 
Anjou, Touraine and Maine, and his acknowledgment 
as Henry's heir. King Henry refused these last 
demands, and Richard angrily flung down his sword 
and did homage to Philip for the three provinces 
which his father had refused him. 

A truce had been agreed upon to last until 13th 
January 1189, but with its expiration Philip and 
Richard renewed the attack. Henry, whose health 
had completely broken down, was laid up at Le 
Mans during the spring, and from there he sent 
William Marshal and the Archdeacon of Hereford 
to Paris to negotiate with King Philip ; but by the 
efforts of Richard and his wily minister, William 
Longchamp, their endeavours were brought to 
nought. A slight improvement in his health enabled 
Henry to meet his opponents in person on 28th May 
at La Ferte Bernard, where Richard's demand that 



1189] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 169 

his brother John should go on crusade was met by 
Henry not merely with a direct negative but with 
the suggestion that John should marry Alais and have 
the provinces which Richard claimed. This, while 
exasperating Richard still more completely, did not 
appeal to Philip, and, in spite of the efforts of the 
legate, Cardinal John of Anagni, who threatened 
to lay his dominions under an interdict if he did not 
make peace, the French king resumed the campaign 
with vigour, and after several smaller successes ap- 
peared before Le Mans on 12th June. The bridges 
across the Sarthe had been broken down and the 
known fords blocked with sharp stakes, but the 
French cavalry, sounding the river with their spears, 
found a place where they could cross and caught 
the English by surprise. During the sharp fighting 
that ensued outside the town Stephen of Tours, 
the governor of the town, set fire to a suburb whose 
buildings would have afforded dangerous cover for 
the assailants. Unfortunately the wind suddenly 
shifted and, blowing strongly, drove the flames into 
the city, which itself caught fire in several places. 
Realising the desperate nature of their position King 
Henry and his knights sought safety in flight. They 
were 'pursued by a force of cavalry under the leader- 
ship of Richard, who was some way in advance of 
his followers and rapidly overtaking the king when 
William Marshal turned upon him. Count Richard 
had for some reason thrown aside his defensive 
armour, and, seeing himself at the Marshal's mercy, 



170 HENRY II [1189 

called to him not to kill him. " Not I ! the devil 
may kill you ! " retorted the knight, and, lowering 
his lance, he struck the count's horse dead, bringing 
its rider to the ground. Richard at once called off 
his men and abandoned the pursuit, and Henry, 
pausing for a while on a little hill and looking back 
upon his beloved native town in flames, burst into a 
flood of furious blasphemy, vowing that as God had 
cheated him of the place which he loved better than 
all others so he would cheat God of his soul. 

With Henry were his son John and his illegitimate 
son Geoffrey. This Geoffrey, the only one of Henry's 
sons worthy of the name, was born about 1153, his 
mother being a woman of humble position ; x he was 
devoted to his father and, as bishop-elect of Lincoln, 
had taken a vigorous part in the suppression of the 
rebellion of 1173-4. Resigning the see of Lincoln 
in 1181 he became chancellor, in which office he was 
in constant attendance upon the king. At Le Mans 
he fought valiantly with fire and foe, and now that 
the fugitives had reached Fresnai he proposed to 
spend the night outside the castle so as to bear the 
brunt of any attack that might be made. To this 
Henry would not assent, and it was Geoffrey's cloak 
that covered the weary king when he flung himself 
down, clothed as he was, for the night. Next day, 
refusing the advice of his barons to fall back on 

1 She was apparently still alive in 1181, when a small allowance 
was made her, the sum of 66s. 8d. paid " matri G. cancellarii ad earn 
sustentandam " appearing amongst the charges on the bishopric of 
Lincoln. 



'Si, 
fa 




SEAL OF GEOFFREY THE BASTARD AS BISHOP ELECT 
OF LINCOLN (i) 




SEAL OF JOHN AS COUNT OF MORTAIN (}) 



1189] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 171 

Normandy, Henry sent Geoffrey with almost all his 
forces to Alencon, himself making his way towards 
Chinon. John now took the opportunity of desert- 
ing his father, although Henry had just shown his 
partiality for him by making the seneschal of Nor- 
mandy and Earl William de Mandeville swear that 
in the event of his death they would only give up 
the castles of Normandy to John and to none other. 
Geoffrey, his brother, base in birth but not in nature, 
as soon as he had discharged his commission spurred 
back to join his royal father, whose illness, aggravated 
by the strain and grief of the last few days, had 
entered upon its final stage. 

Meanwhile Philip, carrying everything before him, 
had reached Tours on 30th June. There he received 
a mission from the Count of Flanders, the Arch- 
bishop of Rheims, and the Duke of Burgundy, urging 
him to come to terms with Henry. Tours was 
captured on 3rd July, and next day King Henry 
agreed to a meeting at a house of Templars not far 
from Colombier, near Azai, but when Henry reached 
the spot and dismounted he found that his legs 
would not support him, and his agony was such that 
he was obliged to lie down. King Philip and 
Richard on their arrival, not finding Henry, de- 
nounced his illness as a feint, and it was not until 
the king rode up, supported on his horse by his 
attendants, that they realised that he was dying. 
Philip courteously spread a cloak upon the ground 
and bade him be seated, but his indomitable spirit 



172 HENRY II [1189 

would not allow him to display so much weakness. 
He had come prepared to accept any terms, to make 
any concessions, but with the full intention, if he 
lived, of winning all back by the power of the sword. 
Philip's terms, considering the hopeless position of 
his adversary, were not ungenerous. Henry had to 
surrender all claims to Auvergne and to do homage 
to Philip for his continental dominions ; Alais was 
to be taken from his custody and married to Richard, 
who was to be recognised as his father's heir and to 
receive the fealty of his barons. Moreover, all those 
who had joined Richard during the war were to 
remain his men and not to return to their allegiance 
to Henry. Finally, Henry was to pay 20,000 marks 
to the French king, and the agreement for a common 
crusade was renewed, Lent 1190 being named as the 
date and Vezelay as the rendezvous. At the end 
of the interview Henry had to give his son the formal 
kiss of peace, but as he did so he muttered, " May God 
grant that I live long enough to take my revenge 
upon you," a threat at which Richard openly jested 
to his friends. 

Henry returned from Colombier to Chinon, and as 
he lay upon his deathbed the list of those who had 
deserted him and sworn allegiance to Richard was 
brought in. He bade the bearer read out the names, 
but when the first name of all proved to be his best- 
loved son, John, for whom he had done so much, 
he stopped the reader, saying, " It is enough ! Now 
let come what may ! " Broken-hearted and racked 



1189] HIS DOWNFALL AND DEATH 173 

with pain the great king lingered on for two days, mut- 
tering in his delirium " Shame on a conquered king ! " 
and cursing his sons. The sole redeeming feature 
of these last days was the unremitting tenderness 
with which Geoffrey nursed his father, who repaid 
his affectionate care with words of loving praise, 
giving him at the last his royal signet ring engraved 
with his symbol, a leopard. 1 Yet even Geoffrey 
seems to have been absent at the moment that his 
father passed away, and the few servants who were 
there, seizing the opportunity to lay hands on every- 
thing portable that was worth taking, left the king's 
body lying half naked and uncared for, till one 
William Trihan, known only to history for this good 
act, placed over his royal master his cloak, appro- 
priately one of the short Angevin cloaks, the intro- 
duction of which into England had earned Henry 
the nickname of " Courtmantel." 

Thus, on 6th July 1189, died Henry II. 

Next day the dead king was carried to Fontevrault, 
where, in the church of the great nunnery, his body 
lay for a time in state. Hither came Richard, now 
in his turn king ; for a while he stood and gazed 
at the stern uncovered face of his father, then, 
kneeling for a brief moment in prayer, rose, and 

1 It is interesting to observe that Matthew Paris assigns to the 
young king Henry a shield of arms, — per pale gules and sable, three 
golden leopards; Chron. Maj. (Rolls Ser.), vi. 473. This bears 
every mark of being an exceptionally early instance of differencing, 
and makes it more than probable that Henry II. bore the red shield 
with the three golden leopards, which has ever since been the arms 
of England. 



174 HENRY II [1189 

calling William Marshal and Maurice de Craon to 
him, strode out of the church. In a few words he 
showed that he bore no ill-will towards his father's 
loyal adherents and then departed, to return next 
day for the funeral Henry had never cared much 
for the outward pomp and circumstance of kings, 
and such emblems of royalty as he may have had 
with him in his last days seem to have been either 
lost at Le Mans or stolen at the time of his death. 
And so when he was being robed for burial it was with 
difficulty that the royal insignia of crown, ring and 
sceptre could be improvised, and he who had been 
the greatest of the princes of Europe was laid to 
rest with less ceremonial splendour than many an 
obscure vassal. 



CHAPTER IX 

LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF 
THE REIGN 

The reign of Henry II. is of particular importance 
in English constitutional and legal history. It was 
a period of evolution, of crystallisation, a period of 
transition. As in architecture we have at this time 
the transition from Norman, or Romanesque, to 
Gothic, so we have the transition from oral tradition 
and custom to written law and formula. As the 
Saxon blood was blending with the Norman to form 
the English people, so Saxon law was assimilating 
Roman law and the theories of the Canonists to 
form English law. The genius of Henry lay rather 
in organisation than in initiative. Possessing an 
innate love of justice and an instructed appreciation 
of legal forms, he set himself to evolve method and 
order from the somewhat chaotic confusion of con- 
flicting customs. Under his hand the young plant 
of English law was pruned, trained, and bent in the 
direction in which it was to grow during the suc- 
ceeding centuries. His natural inclination for the 
work was doubtless whetted by the twofold con- 
sideration that every extension of the central royal 
jurisdiction involved a diminution of local feudal 

175 



176 HENRY II 

jurisdiction and that increase of legal control implied 
increase of revenue. The personal part played by 
the king in the administration of the law was striking. 
Constantly we find him sitting in a judicial capacity, 
following with more or less patience the involved 
arguments of the advocates, inspecting charters in 
dispute, criticising them shrewdly and impartially, 
and exhibiting a legal acumen which proved that he 
was worthy, apart from his rank, to preside over the 
ultimate court of appeal. 1 The strong arm of the 
law could hardly be invoked without his aid, and 
the slow foot of justice could only be hastened 
with his assistance. And for such assistance pay- 
ment must be made. Henry was, indeed, notorious 
as a " seller of justice " ; but if the commodity was 
expensive it was at least the best of its kind, and 
there is a profound gulf between the selling of justice 
and of injustice. A bribe might be required to set 
the machine of the law in motion, but it would be 
unavailing to divert its course when once started. 
When John le Viel, a wealthy citizen of London, 
was convicted of taking part in a series of outrages 
which culminated in the murder of Earl Ferrers' 
brother in 1177, his offer of 500 marks to the king 

1 As for instance in the case of the disputed privileges of the abbey 
of St. Alban's, when his examination of their charters and his com- 
ments thereon showed remarkable painstaking ability : Oeata Abba- 
tum S. Albani (Rolls Ser.) i. 145-155. Another case, reported in still 
greater detail, is the suit between the Bishop of Chichester and the 
Abbot of Battle : Chron. of Battle Abbey (ed. Lower), 78-115. For 
an instance of the king's appreciation of legal technicalities, see 
ibid., 182. 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 177 

gained him no reprieve and he suffered the death 
penalty with his humbler and poorer accomplices. 

It is partly owing to the personal predominance y 
of the king as law-giver that exact dates and details 
of the institution or formal adoption of certain 
methods of legal procedure are hard to ascertain. A 
verbal instruction or a few written lines to the 
justiciar would be enough to establish a formula 
which would rapidly become a commonplace of law 
without exciting comment from any chronicler. 
There are, however, some four or five occasions on 
which a definite code of laws or regulations was 
published and duly recorded. The first of these was 
the code drawn up in 1164 to define the relations 
of Church and State. The circumstances in which 
these " Constitutions of Clarendon " were drawn up 
have already been considered. They were drawn 
up definitely as representing the rules in force in 
the time of Henry I., and it would seem that for the 
most part they could fairly claim this antiquity, 
though their continuity had been broken by the 
disorder of Stephen's reign. That they lost some- 
thing of their elasticity and became more pro- 
nouncedly favourable to the secular courts when they 
were reduced to writing can hardly be doubted, and 
that there was some small amount of actual innova- 
tion is highly probable, but it is as compiler rather 
than author that the name of Henry II. should be 
associated with the Constitutions of Clarendon. 

By these Constitutions it was asserted (cap. 1) 

M 



178 HENRY II 

that all actions concerning the advowsons of churches 
should be heard in the king's court, 1 even if both 
parties were clerks, and that (cap. 2) the king's 
consent must be obtained before any church held in 
fee of the crown could be granted in perpetuity. 
By a further assertion of the royal proprietary rights 
(cap. 12) the king claimed to have the custody and 
control of all sees, and of such monasteries as were 
in the patronage of the crown, during their vacancies, 
and to determine when their new heads should be 
elected. Whatever may be said against this claim 
morally — and it certainly gave the king every in- 
ducement to prolong such vacancies and leave a 
wealthy see or abbey headless — it was undoubtedly 
a custom of respectable antiquity, based presumably 
on analogy with the king's feudal right to the custody 
of the lands of his lay tenants-in-chief during the 
minority of their heirs. The identity of status of 
lay and ecclesiastical tenants was insisted upon in 
the order (cap. 11) that prelates and beneficed clergy 
who held of the king in chief should hold their lands 
as baronies and perform the services due therefrom, 
including the duty of sitting as judges on the Bench 
with the lay barons, save that they should not take 
part in pronouncing sentence of death or mutilation. 
Besides pleas of advowsons all pleas of debt were 
now removed from the ecclesiastical courts (cap. 15), 

1 The Pipe Roll for 31 Henry II. records a fine of 500 marks im- 
posed on the Bishop of Durham for holding a plea touching the 
advowson of a church in Court Christian. 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 179 

even when involving breach of oath. A third class 
of actions, those concerned with lands said to be 
granted in alms to churches, involved a more 
elaborate procedure (cap. 9). If a piece of land 
were claimed by a clerk as belonging to his church 
and by a layman as belonging to his lay fee the 
question was first to be referred to a jury of twelve 
men of good standing ; if they decided that the 
land was held in alms the case should be tried in 
the ecclesiastical court, but if the contrary, then in 
the king's court. The appearance of this jury of 
twelve is very important, and it occurs again in the 
Constitutions. Certain moral offences were ad- 
mittedly the province of the Court Christian, but it 
was common knowledge that the archdeacons and 
their officials, whether from lack of legal training or 
of charity, accepted accusations on very insufficient 
evidence ; it was therefore laid down (cap. 6) that 
such accusations ought not to be made against 
laymen unless supported by responsible witnesses ; 
but in cases where witnesses dare not come forward, 
owing to the rank or power of the accused, a jury 
of twelve men of good standing might be summoned 
to inquire into the truth of the accusations. 

In these two instances of the appointment of 
juries we have almost certainly innovations, and it is 
to Henry It. thaTwe must attribute the institution of 
the trial by jury. It must be borne in mind that 
just as these twelve jurors differed in everything 
but number from the Anglo-Saxon " doomsmen," 



180 HENRY II 

whose office was to give sentence, so they also differed 
from the modern jury. The modern juryman is 
supposed to start with a completely open mind, and 
indeed in America even a remote and superficial 
knowledge of the nature of the case to be tried has 
been considered a disqualification ; but the medieval 
jurors were men chosen for their knowledge of the 
matter in dispute ; they were witnesses — not witnesses 
for the prosecution or for the defence, but, being 
summoned by an impartial authority, witnesses for 
the truth ; they answered the questions put to them 
in the light of their personal knowledge and not as 
a result of deductions from the deliberately mislead- 
ing arguments of rival advocates. The evolution 
and progress of legal procedure is always interesting, 
and particularly so in the case of the peculiarly 
English institution of the jury. The occasional 
appointment of juries of inquest to settle special 
points may, of course, be traced back for generations, 
but the definite establishment of the jury as a legal 
instrument dates from the reign of Henry II. 

The claims of the spiritual courts were com- 
plicated by possessing a double basis ; on the one 
hand they claimed all actions which could in any 
way be held to be concerned with morals or with 
the property of the Church, and on the other they 
claimed jurisdiction over all persons who had been 
admitted to the ranks of the clergy. While 
admitting the theory of clerical exemption in cri- 
minal cases Henry endeavoured to neutralise it in 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 181 

practice. The suggested compromise, which was 
the chief bone of contention between him and the 
Church party, was (cap. 3) that an accused clerk 
should be summoned before the king's court, and if 
a prima facie case were made out against him he 
should be remitted to the bishop's court for fuller 
trial and sentence, the proceedings being watched 
by one of the royal officials. If convicted he should 
ipso facto forfeit the Church's protection and become 
amenable to the common law. This latter proviso 
had to be abandoned, but within about a century 
of the birth of the Constitutions the royal courts 
had established their right to pronounce upon the 
guilt of an accused clerk before handing him over 
to the ecclesiastical court. While the Church was 
claiming exemption from lay justice it was natural 
that an endeavour should be made in retaliation to 
limit the scope of the Church's sentence, and accord- 
ingly it was ordered (cap. 7) that no tenant-in-chief 
or royal officer should be excommunicated without 
the king's permission, and a similar protection was 
extended (cap. 10) to all persons dwelling in a royal 
borough, castle, or manor. In both cases it was 
expressly stated that the king or his officials would 
endeavour to compel the offender to make satisfac- 
tion, so obviating the necessity for excommunication, 
and indeed it was laid down (cap. 13) that the royal 
and ecclesiastical courts should give one another 
mutual assistance in bringing offenders to book. 
A further blow was aimed at clerical independence 



182 HENRY II 

by the regulation (cap. 8) that there should be 
appeals from the archdeacon's court to that of the 
bishop and thence to that of the archbishop, but that 
appeal from the archbishop's court should be to the 
king's court and not to Rome without royal consent. 
To prevent this rule being broken Henry maintained 
(cap. 4) that prelates and beneficed clergy had no 
right to leave the country without royal licence, and 
that in any case they must swear to do nothing to 
the prejudice of king or realm during their absence. 
The supremacy of the pope, however, proved to be 
too firmly rooted in the minds of the clergy, and 
these articles had to be dropped, Henry himself 
during the Becket controversy being obliged to resort 
to constant appeals and counter-appeals to the 
papal court 

During the seven years' struggle with Becket 
which followed the promulgation of the Constitu- 
tions of Clarendon, Henry did not neglect the cause 
of legal reform, and early in 1166 he issued an 
important series of injunctions known as the Assize 
of Clarendon. These injunctions, turning upon the 
existence of a system of itinerant justices, whose 
presence in all parts of the country at frequent 
intervals they take for granted, prove that the 
custom of sending commissions of judges on circuit, 
which had been inaugurated by Henry I., but had 
fallen almost out of use, and certainly out of all 
regularity, under Stephen, had been restored by 
Henry II. The evidence of the Pipe Rolls shows 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 183 

that during the early years of the reign most of these 
" eyres," or itinerant courts, were held by the leading 
royal officers, such as the chancellor, the justiciar, or 
the Earl of Essex, acting singly or together, but in 
1176 the king divided the whole country into six 
circuits and appointed three justices to each circuit. 
For some reason this scheme did not work well, 
possibly from an excess of zeal and self-importance 
on the part of the justices, and in 1179 Henry re- 
voked these appointments and constituted a central 
royal court of five justices ; subsidiary to this per- 
manent court he established four circuits, the com- 
mission for each circuit being five judges, though, 
by an apparent contradiction, the commissioners for 
the northern circuit were the officers of the per- 
manent central court. The arrangement of the 
circuits varied from time to time and constant 
changes were made in the personnel of the judges, 
but the main features of itinerant courts with a 
permanent central court above them became fixed. 
From the central court there was appeal in cases 
of difficulty to the king and council. 1 As we have 
already said, Henry took a large personal share in 
the administration of justice, but he acted strictly 
within constitutional limits, and it was always the 
council that pronounced the sentence, though the 
influence of the king's expressed opinion would 
naturally be paramount. 

1 An instance of a difficult case being referred by the justiciar to 
King Henry occurs in the Chron. Mori, de Abingdon (Rolls Ser.), ii. 229. 



184 HENRY II 

By the Assize of Clarendon it was ordered that 
the sheriffs and itinerant justices should make careful 
search for evil-doers throughout the country. Twelve 
men of good standing from each hundred and four 
from each township were to declare on oath what 
men in their district were known or suspected to be 
robbers, murderers, thieves, or harbourers of bad 
characters. All such were at once to be arrested and 
brought before the nearest justice and compelled 
to purge themselves by the ordeal of water. In 
this ordeal the accused was bound hand and foot 
and thrown into a pond or pit, of which the water 
had previously been consecrated by a priest. 1 If 
the water rejected him, so that he floated, he was 
considered guilty, his foot was struck off and his 
goods were forfeited to the king ; but if the water 
received him and he sank he was dragged to land 
and his innocence was held to have been proved. 
But a sceptical feeling towards the ordeal was grow- 
ing up, and the Assize ordered that if the repute 
of the accused were notoriously bad and the accusa- 
tions against him well sustained, then, even if he 
acquitted himself by the ordeal, he should be banished 

1 Instances of the blessing of the ordeal pits occur in the Pipe 
Rolls. In 1166, for instance, 10s. was paid to two priests for blessing 
the pits (fossarum) at Bury St. Edmunds, and in Wiltshire 5s. was 
paid for preparing the pools (polls) for the ordeal of thieves, and 
20s. to priests for blessing the same pools. As early as 1158 the 
sheriff of Wiltshire accounted for making " the pools of the moneyers," 
and in 1175 in Hampshire there were payments made for " blessing 
the ordeal pits (fossis iuisse), and the cost of doing justice on the 
peasants who burnt their lord." 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 185 

from the country, being bound to leave England within 
a week, or as soon after as the wind would serve. 

By reserving all cases of this type to the jurisdic- 
tion of the king's courts and by authorising the 
sheriffs to enter any " liberty " or honour for the 
purposes of arresting criminals or of supervising the 
police organisation of frank pledges a severe blow 
was struck at the private feudal courts, and, in- 
cidentally, the security of the law-abiding populace 
was much increased. To strengthen this security 
yet more the king gave orders for the erection of 
gaols in every county and for the compilation of 
lists of fugitive criminals. No unknown wayfarer or 
vagabond might stay for more than one night in 
any borough unless he or his horse fell ill, and all 
newcomers settling in any county had to find sureties 
for their appearance before the justices, while a final 
haven of refuge was closed to the fugitive by the rule 
that no religious house should receive into its 
fellowship any man of the lower class (de minuto 
populo) without inquiry into his antecedents. 

It is probably to this same year, 1166, that we may 
assign the Assize of Novel Disseisin, by which pos- 
session became not merely nine-tenths of the law 
but the law itself. Under this assize any person 
who was seised, or possessed, of a freehold and was 
ejected therefrom, or disseised, without a previous 
decision of the court, might recover his seisin by an 
action before the king's court, without regard to 
the goodness of his original title. There is some 



186 HENRY II 

reason to believe that this theory of the right of 
the actual possessor to remain in possession until 
the claimant had proved his better right to the 
property was recognised in the previous reign, but 
it was under Henry II. that it took definite form as 
a fixed method of legal procedure which formed the 
basis of innumerable actions in later times. About 
this same date, too, we find evolving another legal 
form which was to play a very important part in the 
history of the conveyance of land. It is self-evident 
that from time to time the parties concerned in a 
suit before the king's court might find it to their 
mutual advantage to come to a compromise. As this 
would involve the abandoning of the suit, probably 
depriving the king of certain perquisites of justice 
and certainly rendering nugatory the trouble taken 
by the justices over the preliminaries of the trial, 
the king's leave to compromise had to be purchased, 
and frequently the terms of the agreement were 
submitted to him for confirmation. To begin with, 
these agreements, which from their putting an end 
to the suit were called " final concords " or " fines," 
would be drawn up casually, expressing each parti- 
cular composition in such phrases as seemed most 
convenient, but the Justiciar Glanville, writing at 
the end of Henry's reign, lays down a definite 
formula to be used in drawing up a Fine, and this 
formula can be traced back to 1172 and occurs, 
with slight variations, as early as 1163, 1 though 
1 Engl. Hist. Rev., xxv. 709. 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 187 

instances before 1180 are rare. When these Fines 
acquired the recognised status of legal formulae 
steps were taken to preserve official copies of them, 
and as soon as it was realised that the execution of 
a Fine was the surest way of securing a permanent 
record of a conveyance of land, or similar deed, it 
became the practice to bring fictitious actions with 
the express intention of compromising them and 
executing Fines. The Fine was, therefore, at a 
later date almost invariably the termination of a 
fictitious suit, but there is no reason to believe that 
this was so in the time of Henry II. to any great 
extent, and though we owe to him the formula of 
the Fine it remained in his time a genuine act of 
compromise, and incidentally a considerable source 
of revenue. 

The administration of the Assize of Clarendon, 
especially of those portions concerned with forfeitures 
and pecuniary penalties, seems to have given rise 
to much complaint. The sheriffs were said on the 
one hand to have used their power to extort more 
than was due and on the other hand to have paid 
into the exchequer less than was due. Further 
rumours of peculation in connection with the aid 
for the marriage of the king's daughter in 1168 
having reached Henry's ears, he suspended all the 
sheriffs in 1170, and ordered a careful and minute 
inquiry into the whole question. All moneys paid 
to sheriffs and other officials, or to magnates and 
their stewards, during the past four years, were to 



188 HENRY II 

be set down, with a notice whether they were de- 
manded with lawful warrant or without. The value 
of the goods of convicted or fugitive felons and the 
amounts paid towards the marriage aid were also 
to be returned, and note was to be made of any 
bribes accepted by the sheriffs or hush-money given 
by them. The inquiry was also to extend to 
breaches of the Forest Law and the conduct of the 
officials administering it. The only fragments of 
the returns x to this inquiry that are known to have 
survived throw little light on the general conduct 
of the sheriffs and their subordinates, though they 
illustrate the truth that taxation always soaks 
through to the lowest stratum of society. Although 
taxation under Henry did not fall with nearly so 
direct and crushing a force upon the poor as under 
King Louis in France, the large sums extorted from 
the English magnates had naturally to be raised by 
them in part from their poorer tenants, and if the 
king expected his lords to make large " gifts " of 
money to him it was natural that they should in turn 
impress upon their subjects the duty of giving 
" willingly " to them. 

One immediate result of this inquiry of 1170 was 
the substitution of men from the ranks of the ex- 
chequer and court officials in place of local magnates 
as sheriffs. The change was a wise one, increasing 

1 The fragmentary return to the Inquest of Sheriffs made from the 
Earl of Arundel's lands in Norfolk has been printed as an appendix 
to the Red Book of the Exchequer in the Rolls Series, but was first 
identified by Mr. Round. 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 189 

the skill of administration and reducing the risk of 
extortion and undue use of influence. The con- 
tinuous undermining of the baronial authority, of 
which this was but one more instance, had a double 
effect at the time of the young king's rebellion in 
1173 ; on the one hand it drove the more intolerant 
nobles to take up arms against King Henry, but on 
the other it put in the king's hand a powerful organi- 
sation controlled by loyal officials, whose prospects 
were bound up with his own and supported by the 
mass of the people, who had every reason to ap- 
preciate his rule and to fear the victory of the feudal 
reactionaries. After the rebellion had quieted down 
Henry issued, at Northampton in 1176, an assize of 
wider scope than any other of his reign. The decrees 
of the Assize of Clarendon were repeated but re- 
enforced ; forgery and arson were added to the 
Pleas of the Crown about which inquiry was to be 
made, and the convicted felon was to lose a hand 
as well as a foot. Returns were to be made of the 
escheats, churches, and heiresses who were in the 
king's gift, and the justices were to try actions brought 
under the Assize of Novel Disseisin and were also 
given control of cases concerned with as little as 
half a knight's fee. Finally, an important regula- 
tion was laid down that if a free tenant died his son 
and heir should at once have such seisin of the free- 
hold as his father had at the time of his death, and 
the widow should have her dower. If the lord of 
the fee did not admit the heir of the freehold the 



190 HENRY II 

justices should cause an inquest to be made by the 
jury of twelve men which had now become so integral 
a part of legal procedure, and if they found that the 
father had died seised the heir should recover pos- 
session. In this we have clearly the first enuncia- 
tion of the Assize of Mort d' Ancestor, which in course 
of time was extended from the direct to the more 
remote degrees of kindred. 

The work begun by the Assizes of Novel Disseisin 
and Mort d' Ancestor was brought to a logical com- 
pletion in 1179 by the institution of the Grand Assize. 
By this assize any action concerning a freehold 
could be transferred from the manorial to the royal 
court. The demandant in the lower court was 
bound, as of old, to offer to prove his claim by the 
judicial duel, a clumsy process entailing endless 
delays and expense and the humiliation, if not 
death, of the defeated party, and often ending in a 
way clearly contrary to justice. Now, by this new 
regulation, the tenant when challenged might " put 
himself upon the assize " ; the demandant would 
then sue a writ in the king's court, four knights 
would be appointed to elect a jury of twelve knights, 
or country gentlemen as we should call them, asso- 
ciated with the district in which the disputed land 
lay. The jury had then to state from their own 
knowledge, or from what their fathers had told 
them, which of the two parties had the better claim 
to the land. If any of the jury did not know any- 
thing of the matter they were discharged and others 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 191 

put in their place, and if the knights were divided 
in opinion their numbers were increased until twelve 
decided in favour of one party. Knowing, as we do 
from the Plea Rolls of the next reign, how protracted 
a suit might be under this assize, we can appreciate 
from Glanville's encomium on the comparative 
rapidity of the process how interminable must have 
been the proceedings under the old methods. It was 
not only a great extension of the influence of the 
king's court, but was also a. victory for common sense 
and sound law, and the absurd and illogical ordeal 
by battle rapidly fell into disuse, though it was not 
actually repealed in English law until 1819 and is 
still retained for the settlement of international 
quarrels. 

The Grand Assize of 1179 is the last definite re- 
form of Common Law procedure that we can connect 
with Henry's name, but in 1184 he issued an Assize 
of the Forest. Under the Norman kings the doctrine 
of royal rights over those unreclaimed woodlands, 
moors, and heaths which were known as forests was 
rigorously asserted. Henry I., in particular, had so 
stretched his claims as to exercise jurisdiction over 
the sporting preserves of his barons, ignoring their 
rights and oppressing their tenants by the appli- 
cation of the arbitrary regulations of the Forest 
Law. Stephen had been compelled to relinquish all 
those forests which had been created by Henry I., 
and to confine the claims of the crown to those that 
were in existence at the time of the death of William 



192 HENRY II 

Rufus, but Henry II. had gradually reasserted his 
grandfather's claims, though not in their entirety. 
Henry himself was an ardent sportsman, finding in 
hunting and hawking an outlet for his ceaseless 
activity of spirit, and appears to have regarded 
poaching on the royal preserves as the most heinous 
of all offences. From the beginning of his reign 
justices from time to time toured the country in- 
quiring into breaches of the Forest Law and mulcting 
the offenders, and we have seen how in 1176 he bled 
the whole country by a deliberate abuse of that same 
law, but it does not seem that any definite code was 
drawn up until the assize was published at Wood- 
stock in 1184. Whether this was a stiffening of 
the laws in use, as is generally assumed, or a relaxa- 
tion, or merely a codification, cannot be decided. 
In any case the laws, though severe, were less savage 
than those of Henry I. The technical details of the 
regulations touching the king's forests and his sub- 
jects' woods and coverts cannot here be dealt with, 
but some of the devices to stop poaching may be 
noticed. No one within the forest bounds might 
keep bows and arrows, dogs or hounds without 
licence ; hunting at night involved a year's imprison- 
ment and a fine ; all large dogs (mastivi) within the 
forest districts were to be hambled, that is to say, 
lamed by cutting out the ball of the foot, to pre- 
vent their chasing the deer, and no tanner or white 
tawer might ply his trade within the forest bounds 
outside a borough. Finally every man above twelve 



HISTORY OF THE REIGN 193 

years of age within the forest district had to swear 
to observe the laws ; this applied also to all clerks 
holding lay fees, and in many ways the most notable 
section of the assize is that which definitely asserts 
the susceptibility of the clergy to the Forest Law 
and authorises the royal officers to lay hands on 
clerical offenders. 



N 



CHAPTER X 

FINANCE 

Finance plays as prominent a part in public as in 
private life, and the fortunes of a nation are as much 
built upon a money basis as those of an individual. 
This somewhat obvious truism is particularly applic- 
able to the reign of Henry II., owing to the important 
share taken by hired mercenary soldiers in his 
numerous campaigns, the wealth at the king's disposal 
frequently enabling him to dispense with the service 
of disaffected or untrustworthy vassals. And the 
main source of this wealth was England, or at least 
it was from England that were drawn those extra 
supplies that formed the critical margin of safety, 
for while we hear constantly of treasure sent from 
England to the king or his ministers in Normandy 
we find no trace of any surplus from Henry's con- 
tinental treasuries reaching the treasury at Win- 
chester. Fortunately we possess the material for 
our examination in the series of revenue accounts 
known as the Pipe Rolls, complete from the second 
to the last year of the reign. 

The treasury, with the controlling machinery of 
the exchequer, had been fully organised under 
Henry I., and an analysis by Sir James Ramsay of 

194 



FINANCE 195 

the one surviving Pipe Roll of that king's reign, 
that for the thirty-first year (1130), shows the total 
royal revenue to have been about £27,000. During 
the anarchy that prevailed under Stephen's nominal 
sovereignty the organisation of the exchequer 
virtually fell into abeyance. While there is no 
evidence of Stephen having been at any time in 
difficulties for lack of money, it is clear that his 
permanent and assured revenues must have been 
very small. The districts in which his power was 
sufficiently established to ensure the collection of 
the royal dues varied from time to time and at best 
were limited, while their yield was still further 
reduced by the lavish grants of crown demesnes 
with which he had been compelled to purchase the 
allegiance of powerful barons. Henry II., on coming 
to the throne, had, as we have seen, resumed pos- 
session of the royal demesnes thus alienated, and he 
also entrusted the re-organisation of the exchequer to 
Nigel, Bishop of Ely. Order was soon restored, though 
it was several years before we find the same elaboration 
of the financial network as was exhibited in 1130. 

A careful analysis of the Pipe Roll for 1156, the 
first of the series, shows that the total amount of 
the revenues dealt with, which exclude the issues 
of the three northern counties, still at that time in 
the hands of the King of Scotland, was in round 
figures £21,650. But of this £6000 has to be de- 
ducted for portions of the royal demesnes which had 
been granted to various persons, and for payments 



196 HENRY II 

pardoned or remitted by the king. Another £2250 
had not been paid and was still owing, a certain 
proportion being bad debts. Of the remainder, 
£9120 was paid into the treasury in cash and £4260 
had been spent by the sheriffs and other accountants 
on the king's behalf in payment of alms, repairs to 
buildings, wages and miscellaneous purchases. The 
actual revenue of this year may therefore be taken 
as about £13,000, or rather less than half that of 
Henry I. in 1130. 

Turning now to the consideration of the sources of 
revenue, the first is the farms (Jirmce) of the various 
counties and honours, these being fixed sums at 
which the sheriffs of the counties or the farmers of 
the honours compounded for the issues of the lands 
under their control. Upon occasion a county might 
for some reason be without a sheriff, in which case 
one or more wardens (custodes) would be appointed, 
and they would answer in detail for the issues and 
receive payment in reward for their services. In some 
cases the totals of these issues amount, as we should 
expect, to more than the fixed farm, the difference 
between the two sums being what the sheriff would 
have for his labour. But occasionally, and notably 
in the case of London, 1 the yield under custodes was 
considerably less than under a sheriff. It is hardly 
conceivable that the sheriff, in addition to the labour 
and responsibility of his official duties, should have 
been expected to make a loss over the render of his 

1 See Round, Commune of London, 229-233. 



FINANCE 197 

farm, but our knowledge of the methods by which 
the various moneys were collected before they reached 
the exchequer is too slight to enable us to explain 
this phenomenon. An incident which throws upon the 
question a light so uncertain as to render it almost 
more obscure occurred at the beginning of the Becket 
controversy. At a council held at Woodstock in 1163 
the king demanded that a certain payment custom- 
arily made to the sheriffs from the lands of the 
counties under their control should in future be 
entered on the rolls and accounted for at the ex- 
chequer. Archbishop Becket rejected the demand, 
declaring that the payments in question were volun- 
tary, that they depended upon the good conduct of 
the sheriffs, and that he would never consent to pay 
one penny on this account to the king. The chronicler 
who relates this incident at most length adds that 
the payment in question was two shillings from every 
hide, but this was almost certainly an error due to 
confusion with the Danegeld ; the " sheriff's aid," 
about which the dispute arose, was not levied on any 
fixed basis but varied in different parts of the country. 1 

1 In connection with the " sheriff's aid " there is an interesting 
entry in the Chronicle of Abingdon (ii. 230), which relates that a 
former abbot had granted the sheriff 100s. yearly to protect the 
interests of the abbey's tenants. The later sheriffs had continued 
to draw the money while doing nothing for it, and Abbot Ingulf re- 
fused to continue the payment, lest it should become established as 
a custom. The matter was brought before King Henry, who gave 
his decision in the abbot's favour. The survey of the manors be- 
longing to the canons of St. Paul's in 1181 shows that the payments 
due to the sheriff from the different manors varied from 6d. to 4s. on 
the hide. 



198 HENRY II 

So far as we can see, the object of King Henry was 
to make the sheriffs more entirely dependent upon 
himself, drawing them into the position of the custodes 
as mere salaried officials of the exchequer ; inci- 
dentally, no doubt, he hoped at the same time to 
obtain a substantial increase of revenue by appro- 
priating the " aid." The objection voiced by Becket 
seems to have been based precisely on the king's 
wish to make the sheriffs responsible solely to him- 
self ; under the existing arrangement a sheriff who 
abused his authority ran the risk of losing the emolu- 
ments of his office, and even with this check these 
officials and their underlings not infrequently misused 
their power, extorting money from those under them 
and failing to account at the exchequer for money 
received. So notorious, indeed, did their malad- 
ministration become that, as we have seen, in 1170 
Henry was driven to take summary action, removing 
all the sheriffs from office and appointing commissions 
to inquire into their conduct. Some of the officials 
thus removed were fined and very few were restored 
to their former position, but the new men appointed 
do not seem to have been greatly superior to their 
predecessors, and it is clear that whatever the sheriff 
lost or made over his farm he certainly possessed 
valuable perquisites, both legitimate and of doubtful 
legality. 

The farms were the only fixed source of revenue, 
but an uncertain amount could always be relied upon 
from legal procedure (placita), fines inflicted for 



FINANCE 199 

breaches of either the Common or Forest Law, 
amercements levied on hundreds, tithings, or town- 
ships for murders, payments made for leave to 
compound a suit begun in the king's court, and 
penalties due from the defeated party in a judicial 
duel. For the most part the items under this head 
were small, though in the aggregate their amount 
was considerable, but not infrequently we find heavy 
fines inflicted upon men of wealth, for which no 
reason is given and which were in some cases, no 
doubt, arbitrary acts of extortion on the king's part. 
In 1165 Earl Hugh of Norfolk paid half of a fine of 
1000 marks, while the Abbot of St. Edmunds, William 
Cheyney, and two other East Anglican magnates were 
amerced 200 marks apiece. That same year Hugh 
de Mortimer was fined 500 marks, the Bishop of 
Lincoln 400 marks, Ivo de Harcourt 300 marks, Ralf 
de Cahaignes and Lefwin of York a like amount, the 
Abbot of Westminster £100, and Abraham, the Jew 
of London, £2000. The Jews, indeed, were a fruitful 
source of income : their financial genius had enabled 
them to concentrate most of the floating capital 
of the country in their hands. They had almost 
as much a monopoly of ready money as they had 
of the trade of usury. In this latter respect their 
monopoly was protected by the ban of the Church 
directed against Christian usurers, and, safe from com- 
petition, they lent their money at their own terms, 
usually about 60 per cent., to litigants, ambitious 
prelates, or impoverished monasteries, at one time 



200 HENRY II 

financing an unauthorised, expedition to Ireland and 

at another assisting the king with large advances. 1 

Henry was too sensible of their value to persecute, 

or to permit his subjects to persecute, the Jews, 

but he had no scruples in fining them arbitrarily 

enormous sums, which might have been crippling if 

they had ever paid more than a fraction of them, 

and in 1188, when he ordered his other subjects to 

pay a tenth of their goods towards the crusade, he 

made the Jews contribute a quarter instead of a 

tenth. In this latter case one of the London Jews 

was allowed to compound for his share of the subsidy 

by a payment of £200, of which half was to be paid, 

perhaps by the grim humour of the king, on the 

Sunday on which the canticle " Rejoice, O Jerusalem " 

is sung. It was in the previous year that the wealthiest 

of all the English Jews, the famous Aaron of Lincoln, 

had died, and by the law relating to usurers, whether 

Jew or Christian, his immense possessions, equal 

apparently to more than the yearly revenues of the 

crown, had fallen to the king, only to perish in great 

part beneath the waves of the Channel. 

1 The numerous references to Jews on the Pipe Rolls and in con- 
temporary chronicles have been brought together in Jacobs' The 
Jews of Angevin England. Examples of their dealings with mon- 
astic houses may be found in Jocelin of Brakelond's Chronicle, re- 
lating to St. Edmund's Abbey, and in the Gesta Abbatum concerning 
St. Alban's, while an idea of their importance to the litigant in want 
of ready money for legal expenses may be gathered from Richard of 
Anstey's famous story of the costs of his lawsuit (translated in Hall's 
Court Life of the Plantagenets), in which he accounts for some seven- 
teen different loans, amounting in all to £87, on which he paid £53 
for usury. 



FINANCE 201 

If the death of a usurer brought grist to the king's 
mill so did that of a prelate. However inexcusable 
from a moral point of view the seizure of the issues 
of vacant bishoprics and abbeys may have been, the 
temptation must have been strong. For example, 
the vacant abbey of Glastonbury in 1181 brought 
in £600 clear, and next year the see of Lincoln ac- 
counted for £1290 and that of York for £1260 ; 
Canterbury varied from £1100 to £1500. The farm 
of the bishopric of Winchester in 1172 was £1555 ; 
Ely produced nearly £900, and even Bath was worth 
£425 clear in 1167. Very few lay honours approached 
even the smallest of these sums, but with lay estates 
as with clerical the death of the tenant was made a 
source of profit to the king. If the heir were under 
age he and his lands would be taken under the royal 
protection and either managed directly for the 
king's benefit or granted, for a consideration, to some 
person of position, who might or might not be a relation 
of the heir, while the tenant's widow could be sold 
in marriage or made to pay heavily for the right of 
following her own choice. Even if the heir were of 
age and there were no widow to mulct, the new 
tenant would have to pay " relief," or death duties, 
graduated on the simple lines of getting the utmost 
possible out of the landowner. For small estates 
the normal rate of " relief " was £5 for a knight's 
fee, the average value of a fee being at most £20, 
but in the case of large estates the amount demanded 
seems, as we have said, to have been arbitrarily 



202 HENRY II 

fixed by the king. In 1185 as much as 700 marks 
was demanded of the Countess of Warwick for the 
privilege of having her father's land, her dower and 
liberty to remain single. To a certain extent these 
enormous fines, whether inflicted as succession duties 
or for other reasons, were bruta fulmina, defeating 
their own ends. Usually the debtor contented 
himself with paying yearly instalments, sometimes 
round sums and sometimes strangely complicated 
amounts which suggest a sudden demand from the 
sheriff satisfied by a prompt clearance of pockets. 
The first instalment was as a rule substantial ; Fulk 
Paynel in 1180 paid 200 marks out of the 1000 marks 
demanded of him for the honour of Bampton ; but 
in the same year Adam de Port only paid £40 out 
of a similar fine for possession of his lands and his 
wife's inheritance in Normandy and for restoration 
to the king's good favour. Fines might thus drag on 
literally for generations, the instalments often show- 
ing a tendency to dwindle away until they ceased, 
and either the king excused the payment of the rest 
or the sheriff wrote it off as a bad debt. Almost any 
payment on account seems to have been accepted, 
and in 1187 William Fitz-Ercenbald, who owed 
£2156 for arrears of farm of the silver mines of 
Carlisle, paid in the rather absurd amount of 
13s. 4d. 

Although all these sources could be counted upon 
to yield something every year the annual yield 
varied greatly. There were, however, means of 



FINANCE 203 

raising extra occasional revenue, of which the amount 
could be foretold with some accuracy. In the first 
place there was the Danegeld, dating back to Saxon 
times. This was a tax of two shillings on every hide 
of land as rated in the Domesday Survey. It was 
levied in 1156, when the accounts show that if it 
had been collected in full it would have amounted 
to £4550, but owing to extensive remissions and 
exemptions, extending to a little over £2000, the 
total yield was only £2500. For some unknown 
reason this tax was only levied once more, in 1162, 
and was then allowed to fall into disuse. Of more 
doubtful legality but, as a rule, of greater profit 
were the " aids " (auxilia, dona) assessed upon the 
counties and boroughs from time to time, regulated 
apparently by the king's need of money and the 
taxable capacities of the districts assessed In 1156 
these " aids " yielded £2100, with a further £100 
still owing, while in 1159, according to Sir James 
Ramsay, the amount was well over £5000. On the 
latter occasion the " aids " were levied upon bishops, 
certain of the wealthier lords, clerical and lay, and 
Jews as well as upon the boroughs ; amongst the 
biggest payments were those of the city of London 
£1000, Norwich £400, York, Lincoln, and North- 
ampton 200 marks each, the Archbishop of York 
500 marks, the Bishops of Durham, Winchester, and 
Lincoln a like amount, and the Abbot of St. 
Augustine's, Canterbury, 220 marks. Two years 
later York again paid 200 marks, but Lincoln had 



204 HENRY II 

risen and Norwich fallen to £200. and London escaped 
with 1000 marks. 

By feudal custom Henry was entitled to call for 
an " aid " from his military tenants on the occasion 
of his eldest daughter's marriage, and in 1168 he 
availed himself of this right, stretching his demands 
to include many persons outside the military classes, 
to whose contributions he had no just claim. The 
similar feudal " aid " for the knighting of his eldest 
son was never raised, as the young king was knighted 
at the time that he was in opposition to his father. 
Finally, in time of war the king could call for 
Scutage, a monetary composition in lieu of personal 
service with the army. The amounts demanded for 
Scutage varied from one to two marks for the knight's 
fee, the larger sum being exactly equivalent to the 
wages of a " knight," or man-at-arms, for forty 
days, the period for which the tenant of a knight's 
fee was bound to serve. Scutage was called for in 
1156 for the war with Geoffrey of Anjou, in 1159 
for the Toulouse fiasco, when £2440 is said to have 
been paid, implying the commutation of the personal 
service due from 1830 knights, in 1161 and 1162 for 
war with France, in 1172 for the Irish expedition, 
and, finally, in 1175 for the projected expedition to 
Galloway. Whether the " assessment for the army 
in Wales," raised in 1165, should be considered as a 
scutage is questionable ; it appears to have been 
more of an irregular " aid." 

How far the exchequer officials of the period 



FINANCE 205 

indulged in anticipatory estimates of revenue, framing 
their simple and elastic budgets thereon, cannot be 
said. Possibly the half-yearly provisional accounts 
rendered by the sheriffs at Easter enabled them to 
foresee whether additional taxation would be required 
to bring the revenue up to the required amount by 
Michaelmas. Possibly, on the other hand, extra 
taxation was put on whenever the balance in the 
treasury seemed to be getting low. But however 
this may have been, the annual revenue was kept by 
one means or another at a pretty constant level. Sir 
James Ramsay gives the totals alike for 1159, in which 
year nearly £8000 were raised by scutage and " aids," 
and for 1169, when no extra taxation was levied, 
as approximately £20,000. In 1176 the sum actually 
paid into the treasury was £14,250, while something 
like £1750 had been spent by the accountants on 
the king's behalf, giving a total of £16,000. To this 
have to be added the enormous sums extorted for 
breach of the Forest Law. The total of the fines 
inflicted on this score was £13,450, the New Forest 
accounting for over £2000 and the forests of York- 
shire £1600, Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire, 
Wiltshire, Dorset and Somerset and Oxfordshire being 
all above £1000. But considerably less than half the 
sum demanded was paid at the time, and the total 
for the year may be estimated as between £5000 and 
£6000, bringing the revenue up to rather over £21,000. 
The money collected by the sheriffs and other 
officials was accounted for every year at Michaelmas 



206 HENRY II 

at the court of the exchequer. The exchequer 
(scaccarium) derived its name from the great table 
covered with a black chequered cloth on which the 
revenue accounts were set out by means of counters. 
It must be borne in mind that ability to read and 
write, though not yet considered as in itself entitling 
the possessor to " privilege of clergy," was so far 
peculiar to the clergy that a large proportion of the 
lay sheriffs would have been unable to keep or to 
understand written accounts. Even for those more 
learned the difficulty of working out complicated 
sums in Roman numerals must have been consider- 
able, and indeed it is comparatively rare to find any 
lengthy medieval account in which the sums of the 
items correspond throughout accurately with the 
totals given. At the treasury courts, therefore, of 
England and Normandy, and possibly elsewhere, an 
elaboration of the " abacus," or calculating board, 
was introduced. This consisted of a table, ten feet 
long by five feet wide, covered with a black cloth on 
which were drawn seven vertical columns, represent- 
ing, from right to left, pence, shillings, pounds, tens, 
hundreds, thousands, and tens of thousands of pounds. 
These columns in turn were divided by horizontal 
lines, cutting the cloth into a series of squares like 
those on a chess-board. Within these squares the 
accounts were set out with counters. At the Michael- 
mas session the chancellor, treasurer, and other 
officials, with their clerks, sat round three sides of 
the table, while on the other side was the calculating 



FINANCE 207 

clerk with his counters, and near him the sheriff, 
who may be regarded as his opponent in the game. 
Along one line the calculator set out the amounts 
due from the accounting sheriff, and below it he 
gradually built up the sheriff's account, beginning 
with the money paid in in cash and adding item by 
item the sums, expended, for which the sheriff pro- 
duced either the king's writs or tallies, 1 the sheriff's 
object being to make the two amounts balance. In 
this manner, by ocular demonstration, a long and 
complicated account could be easily followed, while 
for permanent record all the items were entered upon 
their rolls by the clerks of the chancellor and 
treasurer. 

The only coin in circulation in England at this 
time was the silver penny, and although sums of 
12, 160, and 240 pence were spoken of as shillings, 
marks, and pounds for convenience of calculation, 
such units had no tangible existence and all money 
payments were made in pence. Although the money 
issued during Stephen's reign was poorly executed, 
such coins as have survived do not bear out the 
chroniclers' assertions that it was debased ; but it 
is probable that the total amount of coin in circula- 

1 The tally, the precursor of the counterfoil, was a wooden stick 
on the edge of which the sum paid was indicated by a series of cuts 
or notches, the various sizes of which indicated definite sums. The 
stick being split parallel to its face, each party to the payment re- 
tained one portion, with its edge thus significantly notched, and 
the genuineness of either portion could at once be proved by 
putting the two together, when the notches would be found to 
tally. 



208 HENRY II 

tion was small and that a considerable proportion 
of it was forged. In any case Henry had issued a 
new coinage in 1156, but the moneyers appear to 
have not infrequently debased the silver or made 
illegal profits in other ways, and in 1158 many of 
them had to stand their trial by the ordeal of water 
and several only escaped mutilation by the payment 
of heavy fines. Twenty years later, in 1177, we find 
what looks like an organised conspiracy of fraud 
amongst the Canterbury moneyers, five of their 
number being fined between them 2500 marks. At 
last, in 1180, Henry entrusted the reorganisation of 
the coinage to a foreigner, Philip Aymary, who did 
his work very well, but so manipulated the business 
to his own profit that he was banished in disgrace. 
This coinage, although possessing no particular 
artistic merit, was technically a great advance on 
its predecessor, and was so well appreciated that it 
continued to be struck, with hardly noticeable 
variations, under Richard and John and well into 
the reign of Henry III. As a result of forgery, fraud, 
and the inevitable loss of weight during circulation 
the 240 pence which constituted the nominal pound 
" by tale," or by number, rarely corresponded to the 
standard pound by weight, and as many of the 
sheriffs' county forms were due in " blanched " 
money, that is to say, in pounds of standard fineness 
and weight, it was necessary to test the money paid 
in. To begin with, pence to the value of forty-four 
shillings were counted out from the mass of money 








" i^k t \ ■ 









:±M 




4 




SILVER PENNIES 

1. First coinage ot Henry II 

2. Type introduced in 1180 

3. Penny of Henry II struck for Aquitaine 

4. Penny of Eleanor as Duchesse of Aquitaine 



FINANCE 209 

paid in by the sheriff whose account was under 
examination. Twenty shillings of this was then 
melted down in a crucible and purified by fire ; 
the resulting ingot was next weighed against the 
standard pound, and pence added from the selected 
money to bring it up to weight ; the number of 
pence required for this purpose having been noted 
the sheriff was charged on all " blanch " sums due 
that number of pence in addition to each pound 
by tale. 

When we pass to the consideration of the relative 
value and purchasing power of money in the middle 
of the twelfth century as compared with the pre- 
sent time we are met by many complications. The 
average price of an ox or cow during this reign was 
from three shillings to four shillings, occasionally 
rising as high as five shillings ; farm horses fetched 
three shillings, but military chargers cost three 
pounds or more ; sheep ranged from fourpence to 
sixpence and young pigs were about the same, but 
when full-grown they fetched as much as a shilling. 
A penny a day was the recognised wage for a sergeant 
or private soldier, and eightpence a day for a man- 
at-arms ; the master of the royal yacht received a 
shilling, the clerk of the household two shillings, and 
the chancellor five shillings a day. Probably we 
may take the money of that date as roughly equi- 
valent to twenty-five times the amount in modern 
currency. 

So far as the expenditure of the Crown is concerned 

o 



210 HENRY II 

we labour under considerable difficulties, having no 
records of the nature of the Liberate and Issue Rolls 
of later reigns. The only items of expenditure 
which have come down to us are such as have been 
entered upon the Pipe Rolls as discharged by the 
sheriffs and other officers out of the issues of their 
offices. The heaviest of these expenses were in- 
curred in connection with building, and especially 
in the repair and enlargement of the royal castles. 
The rebuilding of Scarborough has already been 
spoken of, and amongst the scores of entries of work 
done on castles may be mentioned the £1000 spent 
on Oxford in 1166 and 1167, a sum which is, however, 
insignificant beside the £4350 spent on Dover Castle 
between 1182 and 1187, as much as £1248 being 
spent in the one year 1185. Nottingham, which 
appears to have been one of the most habitable of 
the castles, accounted for £450 in 1172 and for over 
£300 in 1175 ; large sums were also spent on the 
king's hunting seats such as Woodstock, Clipston, 
and especially Clarendon. For the adornment of 
Clarendon there were provided in 1177 " marble 
columns," probably shafts of dark marble similar 
to those the introduction of which by St. Hugh in 
his new work at Lincoln so struck contemporary 
writers. But numerous as are the entries of building 
expenses, they can represent but part of the sums 
laid out by Henry on such operations, nor do we 
hear anything of the cost of the army or of the 
upkeep of the royal household, though we know from 



FINANCE 211 

the existing list of salaries that this last item must 
have amounted to about £1500 a year. Whatever 
were his expenses Henry contrived to amass a great 
fortune, which his successor, Richard, found little 
difficulty in dissipating. 



CHAPTER XI 

THE ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 

Society in England during Henry's reign might be 
considered as arranged in three groups : (1) The 
Military Class, with the king at its head, ranging 
from the semi -independent earl to the humble tenant 
of some fraction of a knight's fee. (2) The Merchants 
and Traders — dwellers in cities and seaports, from 
the wealthy councillor to the humble apprentice 
(3) The Peasantry — the comfortable yeoman, the farm 
labourer, whose theoretical lack of freedom often 
sat but lightly upon him, and the hired servants. 
From this third class the two superior classes were 
completed. They formed the nameless ranks of 
archers and foot soldiers who bore the brunt of many 
a battle, and, unprotected by coat of mail or prospect 
of ransom, paid forfeit for defeat with their lives, 
and they were the hardy sailors, serving the merchants 
in time of peace, but ever ready to convert their 
ships into men-of-war. It might seem that the 
clergy should form a fourth class, but they really 
fall into the same three divisions as the laity. The 
prelates and dignitaries, holding their lands by 
military service and bound to provide so many 
knights for the king's army, sometimes leading their 

212 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 213 

troops in person ; then, opposed to these sons of the 
Church Militant, the monks and canons of the re- 
ligious orders, intent on the business of religion, 
not wholly averse to trading spiritual for material 
blessings, and displaying some skill in laying up 
treasure in this life as well as for the next ; and 
finally the poor, but not always honest, parish priests 
and unattached clerks, the hardest workers and the 
worst paid, little above the secular peasantry from 
whose ranks they sprang, their many virtues un- 
recorded and the excesses of their unworthy members 
pilloried. If a fourth group did exist it consisted 
of the officials, blending the characteristics of clerks, 
soldiers, and merchants — men prepared at a moment's 
notice to hear pleas, superintend the purchase and 
despatch of stores, or take command of a force of 
soldiers. 

The king's supremacy in his court was indisputable ; 
his greatest nobles were proud to serve him, and 
quick to resent any infringement of their rights of 
service. Thus the Earl of Arundel, hereditary chief 
butler, returning from a long journey just as the two 
kings, Henry and Louis, were sitting down to dinner, 
strode into the hall, flung off his cloak and seized 
the royal goblet from the acting butler, who re- 
sisting, the powerful earl knocked him down and pre- 
sented the wine on bended knee to his royal master, 
explaining apologetically to the French king that it 
was his privilege and that the deputy butler ought 
to have withdrawn without protest. So also, at a 



214 HENRY II 

later date, William de Tancarville, chamberlain of 
Normandy, forcibly possessed himself of the basin 
and ewer which another courtier was carrying to the 
king. Yet was Henry the most accessible of men ; 
out of doors he suffered his subjects to crowd round 
him and speak to him freely, in his court he was 
almost always ready to give informal audience to all 
who sought him, and it was only at the very door 
of his bedchamber that a messenger would be 
challenged. Men of wit, such as Walter Map, the 
cynical canon of St. Paul's, might break in on his 
conversation with a humorous or sarcastic comment 
unrebuked, and Henry could even take in good 
part the public reprimand addressed to him by an 
obscure monk of his neglected priory of Witham. 
The English court under Henry attracted scholars of 
European fame, and on the lighter side of literature 
we find the king encouraging Gerald de Barri, the 
proto- journalist, listening amusedly to his anecdotes 
and bantering him, giving money to " Maurice the 
story-teller" (fabulatori), and replying with mock 
seriousness to the heroics purporting to be addressed 
to him by King Arthur. 

If his nobles did not share the king's literary tastes 
they were at least in tune with him on the subject 
of sport. Hunting and hawking were the recreations 
of the English and Norman nobility, and in his de- 
votion thereto Henry yielded to none of his subjects. 
The keepers of his hounds formed not the most in- 
significant part of his retinue ; hawks were procured 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 215 

for him from Norway and from Ireland and passed 
as presents between himself and foreign princes ; 
when he went out of England, whether for peaceful 
cause or war, his hawks and hounds and huntsmen 
followed him. His sons also, like all the magnates 
of their days, were devotees of the chase, but the 
two elder found greater pleasure in the sport of war, 
and the young King Henry in particular shone as 
the patron of the tournament. The gradual re- 
pression of private warfare, at least between the 
smaller lords, had deprived life of much of its ex- 
citement, and the more warlike spirits sought to 
counteract what they no doubt considered the 
softness and degeneracy of the age by the institution 
of tournaments, a species of private war cleansed 
of personal rancour and lacking the disastrous conse- 
quences to lands and tenants involved by the real 
thing. To picture the tournament of this date as 
resembling the formal and chivalrous jousting in the 
lists of later centuries would be completely mis- 
leading. For the most part the frequenters of these 
meetings were landless men, younger sons and needy 
adventurers, intent solely, or at least mainly, on 
making money by the capture of opponents, whose 
chargers and armour then became their own, and 
whose bodies might be held to ransom. It was no 
shame for ten to set on one, and William the Marshal, 
one of the most brilliant of these adventurers and 
the instructor of the young king, gained praise by 
the skill with which he let his adversaries exhaust 



216 HENRY II 

themselves before he flung his forces upon them. This 
same Marshal, who went with another knight on a 
pot-hunting expedition during which they accounted 
for 103 knights, besides extra chargers, on one 
occasion saw one of the opposing knights thrown by 
his horse and lying on the ground, disabled with a 
broken thigh ; rushing out of the tent where he was 
dining he picked up the injured man and bore him 
back into the tent, handing him over a prisoner to 
his companions " to pay their debts with." In this 
particular instance there was no doubt an element of 
rough humour, but the whole spirit of the tournament 
was practical and unromantic, though fame and 
glory were sought at the same time as wealth, and 
the Marshal would have set a higher value upon 
his reputation for skill and courage than upon the 
fund of ready money for which he was remarkable 
at a time when steel and silver were rarely found 
together. 

The spirit of the tournament pervaded the field 
of battle, and so far as the knightly combatants were 
concerned their chief aim was to capture and hold 
to ransom their adversaries rather than to kill them. 
Such lust of slaughter as they felt was satisfied at 
the expense of the unfortunate infantry, drawn from 
the ranks of the peasants and yeomen and not worth 
ransoming. After a desperate and decisive battle 
the chroniclers will recount a long list of knights 
captured, but it is rare indeed that any are recorded 
to have fallen in battle, and on such rare occasions 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 217 

it was usually by the hand of a common foot soldier 
or by a chance arrow. It was precisely this tradi- 
tion of the respect due to gentle blood that made 
the Norman knights so useless against the Welsh 
or Irish, who ignored their gentility and fought 
to kill. 

Henry's genius for organisation found scope in 
military matters as elsewhere. During the reigns of 
the Saxon kings the fyrd or national militia, theo- 
retically consisting of all the able-bodied male popu- 
lation, was always liable to be called out in time of 
war, and this liability had remained in force after 
the Conquest. Under William the Conqueror the 
country had been parcelled out into estates, great 
and small, the tenants of which held by the service 
of supplying a fixed quota of knights, in no way 
proportionate to the size or value of the estate, to 
serve in the royal army for forty days when required. 
It has been already pointed out that Henry II. 
encouraged the system of commuting personal service 
for a money payment, and in order to ascertain the 
exact amount of service due he caused a general 
return to be made by his military tenants in 1166. 
They were required to state how many knights they 
were bound to find, and as there were two ways of 
providing for these knights, either by granting them 
land in return for their services when required or by 
hiring them as occasion demanded, a distinction 
was to be drawn between the knights enfeoffed and 
those chargeable on the demesnes. A further dis- 



218 HENRY II 

tinction was to be made between those knights 
already enfeoffed at the time of the death of Henry I. 
and those of newer feoffment. In many cases the 
greater barons had enfeoffed more knights than they 
were bound to supply, probably for the most part 
during Stephen's reign, with the intention of aug- 
menting their own private forces, and Henry claimed 
that they should pay scutage on this larger number 
of knights instead of on their original quota, a claim 
which was strenuously resisted. 

For the re-organisation of the national forces an 
Assize of Arms was issued in England in 1181. 
Every holder of a knight's fee or of rents and pro- 
perty to the value of sixteen marks was to keep a 
coat of mail, a helmet, a shield, and a lance ; the owner 
of property worth ten marks should have a hauberk, 
an iron headpiece, and a lance, and all burgesses and 
the whole body of freemen should have a quilted 
jacket (wambais), an iron headpiece, and a lance. 
These arms were never to be parted with, but to 
descend from father to son ; but in order to render 
the supply more accessible it was ordered that no 
burgess should keep more arms than his statutory 
quota, and if he had others should give or sell them 
to those that required them ; at the same time Jews 
were forbidden to retain coats of mail and hauberks, 
presumably the most expensive portions of the outfit. 
From the absence of any mention of horses it has 
been assumed by some writers that all these troops 
were expected to fight on foot, but this is un- 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 219 

doubtedly an error; presumably the provision of a 
horse was left to the discretion of the soldier, and 
practically the whole of the first class and a large 
proportion of the second would have been mounted 
men. Another noteworthy omission is that of the 
bow ; some thirty years later the holder of property 
worth twenty shillings was required to provide a 
bow and arrows, but at this time it would seem that 
the bow was regarded as unworthy of a freeman 
and its use confined to the villein soldiers. 

The justices itinerant were to publish this assize 
in the different county courts and to make it known 
that any defaulter would pay for his fault with his 
body and by no means escape with fine or forfeiture. 
At the same time the justices were to hold inquiries 
by juries of freemen of good standing as to the 
persons in the several hundreds and boroughs who 
held property worth sixteen marks or ten marks, 
to draw up lists of such persons and to swear them 
to the observance of the assize. 

The final article of the Assize of Arms directed 
that no one should buy or sell any ship to be taken 
away from England, or export timber. In this 
decree we have evidence of Henry's comprehension 
of the value of a strong navy to the country. In 
speaking of a strong navy it must not be supposed 
that any royal force of fighting ships existed or was 
even contemplated at this time. Such naval or- 
ganisation as existed was almost entirely confined 
to the federation of the Cinque Ports. The origin 



220 HENRY II 

and early history of this federation is very obscure, 
but it seems clear that Hastings and Dover and 
probably the other three ports of Sandwich, Hythe, 
and Romney, were bound together by the possession 
of common privileges and common responsibilities in 
the reign of Edward the Confessor. Hastings was 
the undoubted head of this group of ports and the 
first to acquire privileges at the royal court and 
in connection with the herring fishery at Yarmouth 
which were afterwards extended to the other 
members. When the title of the Cinque Ports was 
assumed has not yet been discovered, but it was 
clearly established by the beginning of the reign of 
Henry II., as in 1161 we find a payment of £34, 17s. 
to the ships of " the five ports " which conveyed 
treasure across the channel. As one main division 
of the English fleet employed in the expedition 
against Lisbon in 1147 was referred to as the 
" Hastingenses," almost certainly alluding to the 
ships of the allied ports, it would seem that the title 
was first officially recognised under Henry II. The 
bonds of union were still so loose that the separate 
ports and their affiliated members received separate 
charters. One of these, of quite uncertain date, 
issued by Henry at Westminster, confirmed to the 
" barons " of Hastings their privileges at court, 
exemption from customs and other dues, and the 
foreshore rights of " strand and den " at Yarmouth, 
in return for the provision of twenty ships for fifteen 
days when required. Henry also granted similar 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 221 

exemptions to the two " ancient towns " of Rye 
and Winchelsea, affiliating them to Hastings, to 
whose quota of twenty ships they were to send two ; 
they were further exempted from the jurisdiction 
of the ordinary courts and might be impleaded only 
in the same manner as the barons of Hastings and 
of the Cinque Ports. This privilege of a separate 
court was clearly of early date, as in another charter 
given during the first six years of Henry's reign to 
the men of Hythe he ordered that they should not 
plead elsewhere than they were used to do, namely 
at the Shipway. 

As a result of grants and confirmations of privileges 
the king could rely at need upon a force of some sixty 
ships. The ships themselves were the ordinary 
fishing and trading vessels of the channel ports, 
small but seaworthy, easily converted into fighting 
ships by the erection of wooden fore and stern castles 
and manned by hardy and experienced sailors. But 
for all their experience the little ships with their 
single square sail were not very manageable in a 
storm and the tale of shipwrecks was large. When 
used for transport purposes it would seem that about 
a hundred soldiers could be carried by each vessel. 
The Cinque Port vessels were bound to carry a crew 
of twenty-one, but this was apparently an excep- 
tional complement, as in the levy of ships for the 
Irish expedition of 1171 the average crew was twelve 
men and a master, such crews being carried by the 
thirty-six ships from Norfolk and Suffolk, the seven 



222 HENRY II 

from Dorset and Somerset, six from Devon, two 
from London, and one from Herefordshire ; on the 
other hand the twenty-eight ships supplied by 
Gloucestershire averaged only six men, but eight 
from Sussex nineteen, and two from Hampshire 
twenty-two apiece. During the troubles of 1173 
most of the ships which were " sent to Sandwich to 
meet the ships of the Cinque Ports " carried crews 
of twenty or upwards, and the two vessels from 
Colchester carried sixty seamen between them. Pro- 
bably the numbers were raised at this time in anti- 
cipation of attack, as we find that an extra force of 
from ten to twenty men was put on board the king's 
yacht each time it crossed with treasure this year. 
This royal yacht was the only vessel permanently 
retained in the king's service, naval forces being 
collected as required from the Cinque Ports and other 
coast towns, though there were at Southampton 
certain private ship-owners whose vessels were so 
often chartered for national service that they might 
almost be held to have constituted a miniature royal 
navy in embryo. 

Southampton was at this time the chief mercantile 
port of England, pre-eminent for its valuable wine 
trade, thanks alike to the natural advantages of its 
situation relative to Normandy and the wine-ex- 
porting districts of the west, and to its proximity 
to the royal city of Winchester. Although London 
had already outdistanced Winchester in wealth the 
latter was still the home of the treasury, the rival of 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 223 

Westminster as the king's official residence, and a 
leading centre of trade. The great fair of St. Giles 
drew merchants from all over England and from 
foreign lands to Winchester, to sell their fine worked 
stuffs to the king's purveyors for his royal robes or to 
buy the coarse woollen cloth of local manufactures, 
for Winchester with its gilds of weavers and fullers 
was a great seat of the cloth industry, most of its 
products being the coarse " burrell " cloth of which 
two thousand ells were purchased and sent to Ire- 
land in 1171 for the troops. A cheaper and coarser 
cloth seems to have been made in Cornwall, as on 
several occasions Cornish " burrells " in large quan- 
tities were bought for the king's almoner. The 
output of English cloth was altogether more re- 
markable for quantity than quality ; gilds of weavers 
existed in 1156 at Winchester, London, Lincoln, 
Oxford, Huntingdon, and Nottingham, all being 
of sufficient importance to pay yearly to the king 
from 40s. to £6, but their productions were for the 
most part poor and coarse, with the notable excep- 
tion of the scarlet cloths of Lincoln, which are found 
fetching the prodigious price of 6s. 8d. the ell. So 
far as there were exceptions to the general lack of 
quality they were no doubt due to foreign, especially 
to Flemish, influence. At the time of the expulsion 
of the Flemings after the rebellion of 1173 there 
are numerous entries on the Pipe Rolls recording 
seizures of wool and woad belonging to Flemings; 
the dyers of Worcester are recorded as owing £12 



224 HENRY II 

to the king's Flemish enemies, and there is other 
evidence to show the presence of these skilled cloth- 
workers throughout the country. 

For foreign trade, statistics, and even such details 
as would permit of broad generalisations, are lack- 
ing. There was no imposition of customs for revenue 
purposes by the central authorities ; each town, 
whether seaport or inland market, had its own 
schedule of customs and octroi dues, but they were 
only under the control of the Crown in so far that 
the king could by charter exempt persons from 
the payment of such dues throughout the realm. 
Such exemptions were amongst the most valued 
franchises of the barons of the Cinque Ports, the 
men of a few privileged boroughs, and the tenants 
of certain great religious houses. A trading privilege 
of particular interest for its bearing upon the de- 
velopment of London under Norman influence was 
the right of the citizens of Rouen to a port or anchor- 
age in the Thames close to the city walls, which 
was confirmed to them by Henry II. in 1174. A 
still more striking instance of the connection of 
two ports was Henry's grant of Dublin to the bur- 
gesses of Bristol, assuring to them a virtual mono- 
poly of the Irish trade, which they appear to have 
previously shared with Chester, the monopoly of 
the Irish trade with Normandy being in the same 
way assured to Rouen. As a whole Henry's policy 
towards the towns and trading communities, especi- 
ally in the earlier years of his reign, was liberal 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 225 

and encouraging ; we find him granting the customs 
of York to the burgesses of Scarborough in 1155, 
the liberties of London and Winchester to the men 
of Gloucester, and the customs of Lincoln to the 
burgesses of Coventry at a later date ; gilds merchant 
and trade gilds were confirmed in their privileges 
at Oxford, Nottingham, Lincoln, and elsewhere, 
and the formation of others licensed. With the 
growth of trade other unauthorised gilds sprang up, 
and in 1180 no fewer than nineteen such " adul- 
terine " gilds were reported in London alone, five 
of them being connected with London Bridge, the 
famous stone bridge built in 1176. Of these London 
gilds the only four definitely identified with special 
trades were those of the goldsmiths, spicers, butchers, 
and clothworkers, the others being, no doubt, social 
and religious societies of a less specialised com- 
position. 

Side by side with the growth of manufactures 
developed the exploitation of the mineral wealth 
of England. The lead mines of Derbyshire, York- 
shire, and Shropshire were being worked, and the 
valuable silver-bearing lead mines of Carlisle, which 
were farmed in 1158 for 100 marks, were bringing 
in 150 marks at the end of the reign, having fluctu- 
ated between 500 marks in 1166 and no yield at 
all after the border wars of 1173-4. At the other 
end of the kingdom were the rich tin mines of Corn- 
wall and Devon. Iron was worked in the northern 
counties and to some extent in Northamptonshire, 



226 HENRY II 

but the industry had not yet attained any degree 
of importance in the Weald of Sussex and Kent, 
and the Forest of Dean enjoyed a practical 
monopoly of the southern iron trade. Tin was 
undoubtedly exported to the Continent, lead we 
read of as sent by King Henry for the use of the 
monks of Clairvaux ; but it is doubtful whether it 
was to any extent an article of commerce, and iron 
was almost certainly not exported. 

By a curious inversion of later practice the chief 
exports from England in early times were the raw 
materials of wool and hides and a certain amount 
of food stuffs. Amongst the latter were no doubt 
cheeses, which had already found a market in Flanders 
in the eleventh century, and possibly ale, for which 
England, and especially Kent, was celebrated. In 
1168 we find fifty-three hogsheads of ale sent to 
the king in Normandy, and that this drink was 
appreciated by foreigners we may conclude from its 
having occupied so prominent a part amongst the gifts 
which Becket carried with him on his famous embassy 
to the French court. While ale was the national 
drink, no small quantity of wine was grown in 
England, vineyards existing in the southern counties 
from Kent to Hereford, and at least as far north as 
Cambridgeshire, and references to cider are also 
numerous. 

The preference given to cider over Kentish ale 
was one of the charges of luxury brought by Gerald 
de Barri against his monastic entertainers at the 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 227 

cathedral priory of Christchurch, Canterbury. How 
far the accusations of excess, in food and in other 
matters, brought by Gerald and by Walter Map 
against the monks, and in particular against those 
of the Cistercian order, could be sustained is a question 
difficult to answer. Both men bore personal grudges 
against the Cistercians, both preferred a scandalous 
story or a witty jest to strict accuracy, and Gerald 
especially was utterly unscrupulous in the abuse 
of his enemies. At the same time some of the little 
details in the stories told seem to support their 
accuracy, and there is evidence that in many cases 
abuses had crept in and ascetic ideals been relaxed 
with a rapidity which is astonishing when it is re- 
membered that Bernard of Clairvaux, the founder 
of the order, had died only the year before Henry 
ascended the throne. One of Gerald's tales relates 
how an abbot of one of the English Cistercian houses 
hospitably regaled the king, not knowing him, with a 
drinking bout, initiating him into the mysteries of 
" Pril " and " Vril," the private toasts, or drinking 
cries, used in the monastery in place of the secular 
" Washeil " and " Drinkheil." and how Henry, when 
the abbot subsequently came to court, welcomed him 
with " Pril " and made him repeat the performance, 
to his utter confusion and the intense amusement 
of the nobles. The possibility of this being a true 
story is increased when we read in the Cistercian 
annals a generation later that in 1215 the Abbot 
of Beaulieu was deposed because he behaved out- 



228 HENRY II 

rageously at table, drinking hilariously, in the pre- 
sence of three earls and forty knights, and that, 
two years later, the Abbot of Tintern drank cere- 
moniously (solemniter) with bishops and monks. 
Of the purely English order of Gilbertines, whose 
founder, Gilbert of Sempringham, died in 1181, 
Gerald speaks favourably, though deprecating their 
system of double convents for nuns and canons, 
but it is only of the austere Carthusians and 
Grammontanes that he writes with whole-hearted 
commendation. That his praise was justified is 
confirmed by the exceptional favour shown to these 
two orders by Henry, who troubled little about 
other religious, save the nuns of Fontevrault and 
the military order of the Templars. 

Gluttony and drunkenness were indeed vices in 
their addiction to which the English, both clergy 
and laity, compared unfavourably with their Welsh 
and Irish contemporaries. William Fitz-Stephen, in 
his famous description of London, gives " the im- 
moderate drinking of fools " as one of the two 
" plagues " of the city. The degree of luxury then 
prevalent at table is indicated by his account of 
the public cook-shop on the river bank near the 
wine wharves, where every variety of fish, flesh, 
and fowl, roast meat, baked meat, stew and pasty 
was ever preparing. Hither ran the servants of 
those upon whose empty larders unexpected guests 
had descended ; here was store sufficient to satisfy 
an army of knights or a band of pilgrims ; here an 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 229 

epicure might call for sturgeon, woodcock, or ortolan. 
It was a gay, busy, prosperous city, ships of all nations 
loading and unloading, crowds chaffering with the 
merchants and tradesmen, whose stalls were con- 
gregated according to kind ; here the booths of the 
goldsmiths, and here a street of cloth merchants ; 
here the grocers, and here a row of cutlers, while 
through the narrow, irregular streets, scattering 
purchasers and loafers, would pass the retinue of 
some prelate or baron on the way to his town house. 
Then there was the weekly excitement of the horse 
fair held outside the city walls on the flat fields of 
Smithfield ; every one was there, come to buy, to 
sell, or to look on, and there were horses to suit every 
conceivable want, at least if you accepted the word 
of their owners ; here were ambling nags, unbroken 
colts, of whose heels you had better be careful, 
stately chargers, sturdy pack horses, mares with 
their foals, cart horses, driving horses, horses in- 
numerable. But the fun really began when, with 
a sudden shouting, the crowd parted hastily and 
left a clear course down which thundered the chargers 
in mad race, scarcely needing the shouts and spur- 
ring of their boy jockeys to urge them to their 
utmost effort. And then there were the holidays, 
when the fields outside the city were thronged 
with students, chaffing each other and lampoon- 
ing their teachers with apt Latinity, young nobles 
from the court at Westminister, and apprentices 
from the city, while their elders looked on and 



230 HENRY II 

grew younger with excitement as they watched 
them cock-fighting, ball-playing, or tilting ; and 
as the day wore on the girls would come to the 
fore and there would be song and dancing until 
the moon rose. Or the scene would shift to the 
river, where the boys, standing in the bows of a 
boat, would tilt at a shield suspended above the 
water and win either the applause or more often 
the laughter of the watchers on the bridge and in the 
riverside houses by their efforts to maintain their 
balance and avoid a ducking. And then in the 
winter, when the marshes were covered with ice, 
bone skates were in demand, and tilting on skates 
warmed the blood even if it was responsible for 
rather a large number of broken heads and limbs. 
For those who were too old, too timid, or too dig- 
nified for such boisterous sports there were the 
pleasures of hunting and hawking over the great 
preserves belonging to the city in Hertfordshire, 
Middlesex, and Kent. A gay city, but one whose 
gaiety was only too often suddenly checked by an 
outbreak of fire, the second of Fitz-Stephen's 
" plagues." With their wooden hovels, wooden 
booths, and primitive open hearths the English 
towns were constant sufferers from fire. Becket's 
parents had been impoverished by a succession of 
fires, and in one year, 1161, London, Canterbury, 
Winchester, and Exeter were devastated ; next 
year the booths of St. Giles' fair at Winchester were 
burnt with all the merchandise in them, and in 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 231 

1180 a fire beginning at the mint destroyed the 
greater part of the unfortunate town of Winchester ; 
Glastonbury was burnt in 1184 and Chichester in 
1187 ; and these are only instances recorded for 
the magnitude of destruction wrought ; smaller 
outbreaks must have been of continual occurrence. 

The description of London, mutatis mutandis, 
would apply sufficiently well to other towns of the 
period, though in many of the smaller boroughs 
the mercantile element must be almost eliminated 
and a large agricultural element introduced to 
render the picture even tolerably faithful. But 
when we get outside the walls of the towns we meet 
with quite a different state of affairs. Here and 
there a castle or the chief seat of some powerful 
landowner would present us with a building of some 
architectural importance, but in far the greater 
number of cases the chief house, the manor, would 
be a barn-like structure of one storey, the main 
feature of which would be the hall, or living room, 
with the massive beams of its open roof blackened 
by the smoke from the fire burning on an open 
hearth in the centre of the hall. The chamber, 
or sleeping apartment, a similar but smaller room 
connected with the first by a lobby or vestibule, 
would possibly be partitioned into cubicles either 
by lath and plaster walls or by cloth hangings. The 
kitchen, with brew-house, wash-house, dairy and 
other offices, where such existed, might form part 
of the main buildings or be in a block by themselves, 



232 HENRY II 

and there would be one or two barns, with cart- 
houses, stables, cow-sheds, hen-houses, pig-styes and 
the miscellaneous appurtenances of a farm. The 
roofs of the various buildings would be thatched 
and the windows unglazed, closed with wooden 
shutters ; on the floor would be a layer of rushes, 
not too frequently renewed, and one or two trestle 
tables, some benches and stools ; a cupboard and 
possibly a couple of massive chests would pretty 
nearly exhaust the catalogue of the furniture, save 
for the wooden platters and bowls, buckets and 
barrels in the kitchen. Near the manor house as 
a rule would stand the church, massive and dark, 
its walls adorned with crudely realistic paintings 
and its stonework enriched with the strong, bar- 
baric mouldings of the period, and hard by, over- 
shadowed by the tithe barn, would be the house of 
the parish priest, little superior to the clusters of 
mud huts in which the peasantry contrived to 
exist. 

To obtain a true estimate of the position of the 
peasantry at this time it is essential to grasp the 
entirely different standard of life then prevalent. 
Comfort and happiness are mainly matters of com- 
parison, and at a time when the country gentleman 
was content with a simplicity which a modern 
artisan would scorn the labourer might well see no 
discomfort in conditions against which an Irish 
peasant would protest A condition of servitude 
was no great burden in itself to those upon 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 233 

whose imaginations the theoretical beauty of liberty 
had not dawned. The gradations between free 
and bond were so fine that it required a skilled 
lawyer to draw the line that separated them, and 
in practice many freemen were worse off than the 
average villein. If villeinage legally bound the 
tenant to perform irksome service for his lord it 
morally bound the lord to provide for his tenant. 
At the same time the services exacted from the 
villein were arduous ; in theory they were unlimited, 
but in practice custom had already fixed their nature 
in most manors. Striking a rough average, we may 
say that a villein as a rule had to work for his lord 
one day in each week for every five or ten acres 
that he held, and in addition to put in a number 
of extra days during the busy and critical weeks 
of harvest and further occasional days for plough- 
ing, harrowing, and sowing. Then there were occa- 
sions when he might be called upon to help in thatch- 
ing the farm buildings, carting manure, repairing 
hedges, carrying farm produce to market or fetching 
salt, or such local requirements as the drying and 
salting of herrings. For many of these extra ser- 
vices he had some return in the shape of a meal at 
the lord's cost, but the demands upon his time 
were heavy and would have left him little opportunity 
to cultivate his own small holding if he had no sons 
or others to assist him. 

The lot of the people, villein, landowner, and burgess 
had improved under the wise rule of Henry, and 



234 HENRY II 

even the great lords, if shorn of their power, were 
safe from the attacks of rivals and secure of their 
possessions so long as they remained loyal. The 
seeds of the English Constitution had been sown. 
The English nation, which had been nursed, in part 
unwittingly, by Henry, was to discover its own 
existence under his successors when his foreign 
policy failed and the connection between Normandy 
and England was severed. The relations between 
Church and State were settled upon a firm basis, 
and if the supremacy of the State, for which Henry 
had fought, had to be abandoned, the Catholic 
Church in England developed a consciousness of 
nationality and remained independent of Rome 
in a degree quite exceptional when compared with 
the Church on the Continent. As the effects of 
Henry's policy were either evanescent and negli- 
gible or enduring, and in the latter case easy to 
trace, it is not hard to estimate the significance 
of his reign, but to obtain a just estimate of the 
man himself is more difficult. For the more intimate 
details we are largely dependent upon men who 
either bore him ill-will or, more rarely, were writing 
in a spirit of flattery, but putting the evidence to- 
gether we see a strong, clear-headed man, controlling 
his emotions but occasionally clearing off accumu- 
lations of irritation and annoyance by tremendous 
outbursts of mad rage ; a methodical man with 
a keen sense of justice, but arbitrary and unscrupu- 
lous ; a skilled general who never engaged in warfare 



ENGLISH NATION UNDER HENRY II 235 

if it could be avoided ; a keen and restless sports- 
man with a sense of humour and a passion for 
literature ; a free-thinking adulterer with a genuine 
appreciation of purity and true religion ; a king who 
could manage the affairs of half-a-dozen principali- 
ties but could not rule his own house ; an acute 
judge of men, who lavished affection and benefits 
upon ungrateful and unworthy sons ; a mass of 
contradictions ; in other words, an entirely human 
man. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Records 

For the whole period covered by the reign of Henry II. 
the English national archives are fortunate in the possession 
of the unique series of Pipe Rolls. On these annual account 
rolls were entered in detail the issues of all the counties, 
escheats, vacant sees and other lands farmed for the Crown. 
The details of these payments, including " relief " paid by 
the heirs of deceased tenants in chief, amercements for in- 
numerable offences and other miscellaneous information, 
are most valuable to the genealogist, topographer, and con- 
stitutional historian, but of greater value to the general 
historian are the balancing items of money expended by 
the sheriffs upon building operations, hiring ships, provision- 
ing troops, entertaining members of the royal family or 
ambassadors from foreign courts, and in a hundred other 
different ways. From these it is possible in many cases 
to follow the king's movements, while often the details 
given throw a cold, impartial light, corroborative or cor- 
rective, upon the prejudiced or distorted statements of the 
chroniclers. Of the corresponding Pipe Rolls for Normandy 
only that for 1180 and a fragment for 1185 have survived. 

A large number of royal Charters of this period have 
survived and are of great value to the antiquary, though, 
for the most part, they yield little to the general historian. 
The Calendars of Charier Rolls, Mr. Round's Calendar of 
Documents preserved in France, and the Monasticon Anglicanum 
contain the most important collections of these charters. 
With practically no exceptions the charters of Henry II. are 

236 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 237 

undated and can only be assigned to their years by a careful 
examination of the attesting signatures, but M. Leopold 
Delisle in a series of articles in the Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des 
Charles (I906-I9O8) claims that the charters prior to 1173 
can be at once distinguished from those of later date by the 
absence from the king's title of the formula Dei gratia, 
which is invariably found from 1173 onwards. This theory 
has been disputed, but the weight of evidence is in favour of 
M. Delisle. 

Surveys of the manors and churches belonging to the 
canons of St. Paul's, made in 1181 (printed in the Domesday 
of St. Paul's by the Camden Society), and of the possessions 
of the Knights Templars in 1185 (Exch. K. R., Misc. Books, 
vol. 16) are of interest for the light thrown upon land tenure 
and agricultural life in general, and further particulars can 
be gleaned from the many monastic cartularies, printed and 
manuscript, which exist. Most important, perhaps, of all 
this class of records is the " Boldon Book," an elaborate 
survey of the possessions of the see of Durham in 1183, 
which has been fully treated by Dr. Lapsley in the Victoria 
History of the County of Durham. 

The Red Book of the Exchequer, which has been printed in 
the Rolls Series, contains the important returns of knights' 
fees made in 11 66 and the " Constitutio Domus Regis," an 
account of persons composing the king's household, their 
wages and perquisites, originally compiled in the reign of 
Henry I., but equally applicable to the court of Henry II. 

Chronicles 

For the acts of Henry prior to his accession we are mainly 
dependent upon the concise records of the Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle and Henry of Huntingdon, with the valuable 
addition of the more detailed Gesta Stephani. 

For the general history of the reign the Chronicles of 
Robert of Torigny, Abbot of Mont St. Michel, down to 1186, 



238 HENRY II 

in which year he died, and the History of William of 
Newburgh are two of the most reliable sources. From 1170 
onwards we have the valuable aid of the Gesta Henrici, 
known by the name of Abbot Benedict of Peterborough, 
which is incorporated in the Chronicles of Roger of Hoveden. 
The works of Ralph de Diceto, Dean of St. Paul's, and of 
Gervase of Canterbury are for the most part compilations 
based upon other writers, but each contain a few facts not 
found elsewhere. The Annates Monastici and other monastic 
chronicles printed in the Rolls Series and the Annates 
Angevines {Collection de Textes) supply a few occasional 
details of local events and serve to corroborate the more 
important works. 

The bulk of the literature concerned with the Becket 
controversy has been collected in the seven volumes of 
Canon J. C. Robertson's Materials for the History of Thomas 
Becket in the Rolls Series. These contain the Lives by 
William of Canterbury, including a long list of Miracles, 
Benedict of Peterborough, John of Salisbury, continued by 
Alan of Tewkesbury, William Fitz-Stephen, Herbert of 
Bosham, Edward Grim and two anonymous biographers, 
and also over eight hundred Letters connected with the 
controversy. Some light is thrown on the contemporary 
estimate of Becket by the Latin metrical chronicle, Draco 
Normannicus, attributed to Etienne of Rouen and written 
before Becket's martyrdom had conferred upon him exemp- 
tion from criticism. 

Welsh affairs are recorded in the Annates Cambria; and the 
more detailed Brut y Tywysogion, and much light is thrown 
upon them by the Descriptio Cambria; and the Itinerarium 
Cambria; of Gerald de Barri (" Giraldus Cambrensis "). The 
same writer's Topographia Hibernica gives an interesting but 
inaccurate account of Ireland, and his Expugnatio Hibernian 
recounts the conquest of Ireland by Richard " Strongbow," 
Earl of Pembroke, and his companions. Another and more 
reliable account of the conquest is given in the Norman 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 239 

poem, The Song of Dermot and the Earl (ed. G. H. 
Orpen, 1891); it appears to have been based upon 
materials supplied by Morice Regan, secretary to King 
Dermot. In addition to these sources we have, for Irish 
history, the Annals of the Four Masters and the Annals of 
Loch Ce. 

Jordan Fantosme has left us a spirited Norman poem on 
the war between England and Scotland in 1173-4, including 
the capture of the Scottish king, at which he was present. 
Another poem, Guillaume le Mareckal (ed. P. Meyer, Societe 
de l'Histoire de France), throws considerable light upon 
Henry's later years, as does the De Principis Instructions of 
Gerald de Barri and the Vita Hugonis, or Life of St. Hugh 
of Lincoln. 

On the legal and constitutional side we have Glanville 
De Legibus, a formulary compiled by the justiciar about the 
end of Henry's reign, and the Dialogus de Scaccario of 
Richard Fitz-Neal, an elaborate account, historical and 
technical, of the exchequer. 

In the matter of illustrating the life of the times first 
place must be accorded to Gerald de Barri, who exhibits in 
a unique degree the qualifications of a journalist ; clever, 
humorous, plucky, possessing immense self-confidence, a 
fund of quotations, a love of " purple patches " and an 
eloquence of abuse worthy of his Welsh extraction, he 
continually enlivens his pages with personal anecdotes, 
usually scandalous. With him may be classed Walter Map, 
Archdeacon of Oxford, witty and sarcastic. The Marechal 
poem, already mentioned, throws some light on the life of 
the nobles, more especially of the younger landless men, 
whose chief delight was in the tournament. The inner 
life of a monastery is shown with singular fidelity in 
the Chronicle of Jocelin of Brakelond, monk of Bury St. 
Edmunds, and a few details of the general life of the 
people may be gleaned from the writings of Alexander 
Neckam. 



240 HENRY II 



Modern Writers 

The reign of Henry II. has been treated by Lord 
Lyttleton, and more recently by Miss Norgate and by 
Mrs. J. R. Green. The period is also covered by the third 
volume of Sir J. Ramsay's solid and scholarly History of 
England. Mr. Eyton in his Household and Itinerary of Henry 
II. endeavoured to trace the movements of the restless king 
from day to day and to assign to definite occasions his 
undated charters. Complete success in such a task is not to 
be expected, but although there are a number of mistakes, 
especially in the dating of charters, the work is monumental 
and most valuable to the student. Finally, mention may be 
made of Mr. Round's various papers in Geoffrey de Mandeville, 
Feudal England, and The Commune of London. 



APPENDIX 

ITINERARY OF HENRY II 

This itinerary is based upon Eyton's monumental work, 
the sources being, first, the definite statements of the 
chroniclers ; secondly, the evidence of records, more parti- 
cularly the Pipe Rolls, which prove the presence of the 
king at certain places in the course of the year but do not as 
a rule give an exact date ; and thirdly, royal charters, which 
can be dated within certain limits by the names of the 
witnesses. Where the name of a place is given with a date 
in brackets, it indicates that the place was visited during 
the year under which it appears, but that the exact date is 
problematic. In cases where charters given at a particular 
place can be assigned with reasonable probability, but not 
with certainty, to a particular year, the place name is put 
in brackets. 



1154 



1155 



December 7 . 


. Barfleur 


January 13 . 


. Oxford 


„ 8. 


. Coast of Hamp- 


[January, 


[Northampton] 




shire (Henry 


February, 


York 




lands) 


March] 


Scarborough 




Winchester 




[Lincoln] 


„ 19. 


. Westminster 




[Peterborough] 




(coronation) 




[Thorney] 


„ 25. 


. Bermondsey 




[Ramsey] 




2< 


l 


Nottingham 
Q 



242 



HENRY II 



1155 (continued) 



March [c. 27] 
April 10 . . 

[May, June] . 



July 7 . • 

[July, August, 
September] 

September 20 

[October, 
November, 
December] 

December 25 



London 

Wallingford 

Cleobury 

Wigmore 

Bridgnorth 

Bridgnorth 

[Worcester] 

[Salisbury] 

, Winchester 
Cricklade 
Woodstock 
Windsor 

. Westminster 



1156 



January 2-10 
„ [H-31] 

February 2 . . 

n 5 • ■ 
[February- 
August] 



[September 1] 
[October] 
December 25 



[January- 
March] 
April [c. 8] 



Dover 
Wissant 
[St Omer] 
Rouen 
near Gisors 
Anjou 
Mirebeau, in 

Poitou 
Chinon, in 
Touraine 
Loudun, in 
Touraine 
Saumur 
Limoges 
. Bordeaux 

1157 

Normandy 

, . Barfleur 

Southampton 
London 



[May] . . . 
May 19 . . 

„ 23-28 . 

[June] . . . 

July 17 • • 
[July]. . • 

[August] . . 

December 13 

25 



Ongar 
Bury St. 

Edmunds 
Colchester 
[Thetford] 
[Norwich] 
Northampton 
The Peak 
Chester 
. North Wales 
. Gloucester 
Lincoln 



1158 



[January] . • 
[February, 
March] 

April 20 . . 
[April-August] 



August 14 



[August] . . 
September 8 . 
[September] . 
September 29 
October [c. 9] 
[October] . . 



Carlisle 

[Blythe] 

[Nottingham] 

The Peak 

Worcester 

[Evesham] 

[Tewkesbury] 

Gloucester 

Wells 

Cheddar 

Brill 

Clarendon 

[Westminster] 

Brockenhurst 

Winchester 
. Portsmouth 
(Henry 
crosses to 
Normandy) 
. near Gisors 
. Argentan 
. Paris 
. Avranches 
. Nantes 
. Thouars 





APPENDIX 


243 


[November] 


. . Le Mans 


[March] . . 


. [Lions- la- 


November 23 . Mont St. 




Foret] 




Michael 




Le Mans 


[November, 


Avranches 


[May, June] . 


. The Vexin 


December] 


Bayeux 




near Chateau- 




Caen 




dun 




Rouen 


July-August 


. Chatillon (1 on 


December 25 


. Cherbourg 


10 


the Garonne) 






[October] . . 


. Freteval 




1159 


December 25 


. Bayeux 


[? April] . 


. Blaye in 








Guienne 




1162 




Poitiers 






May 21-23 


. Bee Hellouin 


February 25 


. Rouen 


„ 24 . 


. Rouen 


[March] . . 


. Lillebone 


June 6-8 . 


. Hilliricourt 




Fecamp 


„ 24 . 


. Poitiers 


[April] . . 


. Rouen 


„ 30 . 


. Perigueux 


[May]. . . 


. Falaise 


July 1-3 . 


. Agen 




Normandy 


„ [c.5] 


. Auvillards 


[September] . 


. Choisi on the 


July-Septem 


Toulouse 




Loire 


ber [c. 26] 




[December] . 


. Barfleur 


[October] . 


. Uzerche 
Limoges 


December 25 


. Cherbourg 




Beauvais 




1163 


[November] 


. Guerberoi 








Estrepagny 


January 25 . 


. Southampton 


December 25 


. Falaise 


[February] . 


. Oxford 
Salisbury 




1160 


March 3-6 . 


. London 






„ 8 . . 


. Westminster 


July . . . 


Normandy 
. Neufmarche 


„ 17. . 
„ 19. . 


. Canterbury 
. Dover 


November 2 . 


. Neufbourg 


„ 31 . . 


. Windsor 


December 25 


. Le Mans 


April . . . 


. Reading 
Wallingford 




1161 


[May]. . . 


. Wales 




Normandy 


[June] . . . 


. Carlisle 


March 1 . . 


. Mortimer-en- 




York 




Lions 




Northampton 



244 


HENRY II 




1163 (continued) 


[September- 


Westminster 


July 1 . . . . 


Woodstock 


December] 
December 25 


Woodstock 
. Oxford 


[July, August] . 


London 
Windsor 






October 1,2. 


Westminster 


116 


[October- 
December 


Northampton 
Lincoln 


February . . 


. Clarendon 




The Peak 


March [c. 20] 


. Southampton 




Gloucester 


[April] . . 


. Maine 




Oxford 




Alencon 


December 25 


Berkhamp- 
stead 


April 24 . . 


Roche-Mabille 
. Angers 






May 10-17 . 


. Le Mans 






June 1 . . 


. Chinon 


1164 


„ 28 . . 


. near Fougeres 


January 13-28 


Clarendon 


July 12-14 . 


. Fougeres 


[March] . . 


Porchester 


[August, 


Rennes 




Woodstock 


September] 


Redon 


April 12 . . 


London 




Combour 


„ 19 . 


Reading 




Dol 


c. August 24- 


Woodstock 




Mont St Michel 


c. September 


10 




Thouars 


September 14 


Westminster 


[October, 


Caen 


October 6-20 


Northampton 


November] 


Touques 


December 24-2( 


5 Marlborough 




Rouen 
Caen 


1 "I 




November 18 


. Tours 


lloo 


20 


. Chinon 


[February] . 


. [Westminster] 


December 25 


. Poitiers 


[March] . . 


. Normandy 






April 11 . . 


. Gisors 


11C7 


„ [15] • 


. Rouen 


J 




May . . . 


. Southampton 


January . . 


. Guienne 




Surrey 


February, March Gascony 




Rhuddlan 


April . . . 


. Auvergne 




Basingwerk 


May . . . 


. Normandy 


[July]. . . 


. Shrewsbury 


June 4 . . 


. The Vexin 




Oswestry 


[July]. . . 


. Chaumont 


[August] . . 


. Powys 


[August] . . 


. The Vexin 




Chester 




Rouen 





APPENDIX 


245 


September . 


. Brittany 


1 [April] . 


. . St. Machaire 


October . . 


. [Valognes] 


May-July 


. . Gascony 




Caen 


August 


. . Angers 


November 26- 




„ 15 


. . Argentan 


December 4 


. Argentan 


23,24 . Damfront 


[December] . 


. Le Mans 


„ 31 


. . Bayeux 


December 25 


. Argentan 


September 1 
3 
October 


, 2 . Bur-le-Roi 


11CO 


. . Rouen 


XJ 




November 16 .St. Denis 


January . . 


. Poitou 


,, 18 . Montmartre 


[March] . . 


. Normandy 


December 25 


. Nantes 


April 7 . . 


. Pacey 






May . . . 


. Brittany 
Vannes 




1170 




Porhoet 


January . 


. Brittany 




Cornouaille 


February 2 


. Seez 


June . . . 


Dinan 


[c 


25] Caen 




St. Malo 


March 3 . 


. Portsmouth 




Hedde 


April 5 


. Windsor 


„ 24 . . 


. Becherell 


» [c 10] 


. London 




Tint^niac 


June 11 . 


. London 


„ 25 . . 


Leon 


„ 14,15 


. Westminster 


[July]. . . 


La Ferte Ber- 


„ [c. 24] 


. Portsmouth 




nard 




Barfleur 


[August 


Ponthieu 


„ [c 30] 


. Falaise 


September] 


Brueroles 


[July]. . 


. Argentan 




Neufchatel 


July 6 . . 


. La Ferte Ber- 




Norman fron- 




nard 




tier 


„ 20,22 


. Vendome near 


[October] . . 


Perche 




Freteval 


December 25-31 


Argentan 


August 


. La Mote Gar- 
nier, near 


1169 




Damfront 






September 


. Roque Madour 


January 1 


Argentan 


October . 


. Tours 


„ 6 . . 


Montmirail 


12 


. Amboise 


March .... 


St. Germain- 




Chaumont 




en-Laye 




Chinon 




Poitou 


[November] 


. Loches 



246 



HENRY II 



1170 (continued) 



November 23 

„ 26 

December 21 

25 

31 



Mont Lu^on 

Bourges 

Bayeux 

Bur-le-Roi 

Argentan 



[c 



1171 
January 1- 

February 

10] . . . 
February [c. 11 

25] . . . 
[March, April] 
May 2-16 . 
[June, July] 



Argentan 
Pont Orson 



August 2 . . 
„ [c. 5] 



[Brittany] 

Pont Orson 

Normandy 

Valognes 

Portsmouth 

Winchester 



September [c. 8] Welsh border 



25 
27 

29- 
October 15 
„ 16 . 
„ 17-31 

November 6 

„ 11- 

December 31 



Pembroke 
St. David's 

Pembroke 
Milford Haven 
Waterford 
Cashel 



Dublin 



1172 



January, 

February . 
March, April 

1-16 . 
April 17 . 

„ [19] 
„ 21 . 
,. 22 . 



Dublin 

Wexford 

Portfinnan 

Haverfordwest 

Pembroke 

Cardiff 



April 23 . . . 
„ 24 . . . 

May [c. 12] . . 

„ 16 . . . 

„ 17 . . . 
„ 21 . . . 

[June-August] . 
September 

[c. 29] . . . 

[December] . . 

25-31 



Newport 
Talacharn 
Portsmouth 
Barfleur 
Gorram, in 

Maine 
Savigny 
Avranches 
Brittany 

Caen 
Le Mans 
Chinon 



1173 



[January] . . 

February 21-28 

March [c. 1]. . 

„ 5 . . 

„ 7 • • 

„ [c 10] . 

April 4 . . . 

„ 8 . . . 
April-June 
[June, c. 25] 

July . . . . 

August 6, 7 . . 



„ 9. . . 
„ 10. . . 

„[c. 12-20]. 

„ 22-29 . 
September 8-15 
„ 25, 26 
[November] . . 
November 30 . 
December 25 



Montferrand, 
in Auvergne 

Limoges 

Vigeois 

Chinon 

Alencon 

Gisors 

St. Barbe 

Alencon 

Rouen 

Northampton 

Rouen 

Conches 

Breteuil, 
Conches 

Verneuil 

Damville 

Rouen 

Dol 

Le Mans 

Gisors 

Anjou 

Vendome 

Caen 



APPENDIX 



247 



1174 



January-April 
April 30 
May 12 
[May] . 
June 11 

» 24 
July 7 

„ 8 

„ 12, 13 

n 14 - 17 
» 20, 21 
„ 24, 25 
„ [27] 
„ 31. 
August 8 . 

„ 11-14 . . 

September 8 

„ c.22 . 

„ 30 . 

[October] . . . 
December [c. 1] 

,. 8. 

25. 



Normandy 
Le Mans 
Poitiers 
Saintes 
Ancenis 
Bonneville 
Barfleur 
Soutbampton 
Canterbury 
Westminster 
Huntingdon 
Seleham 
Brampton 
Northampton 
Portsmouth 
Barfleur 
Rouen 
Gisors 
Poitiers 
Mont Louis, 
near Tours 
Falaise 
Falaise 
Valognes 
Argentan 



1175 



January . 

February 2 
„ 24 
„ 26 

March . . 
„ 25. 

April 1 
n [C3] 
„ 13 
.. 22 



Anjou 

Le Mans 

Gisors 

Rouen 

Anjou 

Caen 

Bur-le-Roi 

Valognes 

Cherbourg 

Caen 



May 8. 

„ 9. 

„ 18. 

„ 28. 
June 1 
[June] . 
June 24 
„ 29 
July 1-8 

„ 9 

August 1 
„ 10 
[September] 



October 8 
„ 31 . 

November . 
» 2G 
„ c. 30 

December 25 



. Barfleur 
. Portsmouth 
. Westminster 
. Canterbury 
. Reading 
. Woodstock 
. Oxford 
. Gloucester 
. Woodstock 
. Lichfield 
. Nottingham 
. York 
. [Stamford] 

[Northampton] 

London 

Windsor 
. Windsor 
. Winchester 
. Windsor 
. Eynsham 
. Winchester 
31 Windsor 



1176 



January 26 
March 14 
April 4 . 
May 25 . 

„ [c. 30] 
[June-August] 



August 15 



Northampton 

London 

Winchester 

Westminster 

Winchester 

Clarendon 

Ludgershall 

Titgrave 

Marlborough 

Geddington 

Nottingham 

Feckenham 

Bridgnorth 

[Shrewsbury] 

Winchester 



248 


HENRY II 




1176 (continued) 


July c. 17- 








August 15 


. Winchester 


September 21 . Winchester 


August 18 . 


. Portsmouth 


„ 28 . Windsor 


„ 19 . 


. Caplevic 
1] Ivry 
. Rouen 


October, c. 9 
17 


. Feckenham 
. Cirencester 


September [c 
11 


November 12 . Westminster 


21 


. Near Ivry 


December 24, 25 Nottingham 


„ 25 


. Nonancourt 






[October] . . 


. Verneuil 




1177 




Alencon 
Argentan 


January, c. 15 . Northampton 




Berri 


„ 20 . Windsor 


„ 9 . 


. Chateauroux 


February 2 


. Marlborough 




La Chatre 


„ 22 


. Winchester 




Limousin 


March 9 . 


. . Windsor 




Berri 


» 13 • 


. Westminster 


[November] . 


. Graszay 


„ [c. 20] 


. Marlborough 




Grammont 


April 17 . 


. Reading 


December 25. Angers 


„ 21 . 


. Canterbury 






„ 22 . 


. . Dover 




1178 


„ 23,24 


. Wye 






„ c. 26 


. London 


March 19. . 


. Bec-Hellouin 


May 1 . . 


. Bury St. Ed- 


April 9 . . 


. Angers 




munds 


July 15 . . 


. " Dighesmut," 


„ 2. . 


• Ely 




on English 


May . . 


. Geddington 




coast 




Windsor 


[July]. . . 


. Canterbury 




Oxford 




London 


„22. . 


. Amesbury 


August 6 . . 


. Woodstock 


„ 29 . . 


. Winchester 


December 25 


. Winchester 


June [c. 10] 


. London 






11 


. Waltham 




1179 


12 


. London 






c. 16 


. Woodstock 


[January- 




July 1 . . 


. Winchester 


March] . . 


. Winchester 


„ 9. . 


. Stokes, near 




Windsor 




Portsmouth 




Gloucester 


„ 10-17 


. Stanstead, in 


April 1 . . 


. Winchester 




Westbourne 


„ 10 . . 


. Windsor 





APPENDIX 


249 


August 23 . 


. Dover 


April 27 . . 


. near Nonan- 




Canterbury 




court 


„ 26 . 


. Dover 


[May]. . . 


. Barfleur 


„ 27 . 


. Westminster 


[July] . . . 


. Gisors 


[October] . . 


. Windsor 


July 26 . . 


. Cherbourg 




Worcester 




Portsmouth 


December 25 


. Nottingham 


[August] . . 


. Canterbury 
Nottingham 




1180 




Pontefract 


[January] 
[April] . . 


. Oxford 
. Reading 




York 

Knaresborough 

Richmond 


April [15] . 


. Portsmouth 




Lichfield 




Alengon 




Feckenham 


„ 20 . . 
[May] . . . 


. Le Mans 
. Chinon 


September 6 . 
„ 12 


. Evesham 
. Winchester 


June 28 . . 


. Gisors 


December 25 


. Winchester 


[July- 


Quillebceuf 






September] 


Bonneville 
Argentan 




1182 




Caen 


January 6 . 


. Marlborough 




Bur-le-Roy 


[February] . 


. [Arundel] 




Valognes 


February 21, 


22 Bishops Wal- 




Cherbourg 




tham 




Tenchebray 


March, c. 10 . 


. Portsmouth 




Dainfront 




Barfleur 




Mortain 


[March-May" 


. Senlis 




Gorron 




Poitou 




Lions-la-Foret 




Grammont 




Driencourt 




St. Yriez 




Falaise 




Pierre Buffiere 


September c. 


29 Gisors 


June 24 . . 


. Grammont 


December 25 


. Le Mans 


July 1 . . . 


. Perigueux 


c. 31 


L . Angers 


„ c. 6 . . 


. Limoges 






December 25 


. Caen 




1181 






[March] . . 


• [Ivry] 




1183 




Grammont 


January 1 


. Le Mans 


March 5 . . 


. Valasse 


[February] . 


. Limoges 


April 5 . . 


. Chinon 




Aixe 



250 



HENRY II 



March 1 
,, 8 
March . 

April 17- 
June 24 



1183 {continued) 

. Limoges 
. Poitiers 
. Angers 
Mirebeau 



July 3 . . . 

December 6 . 

25 



Limoges 
Le Mans 
Angers 
Gisors 
Le Mans 



1184 



[January-May] 



June, c. 5 
„ 10 . 

„ c. 12 

„ c. 13 

July 22 . 

„ c. 25 

August 5 . 

„ 16 

,. c 21 



October 21-23 . 
December 1-13 . 

14 . 

15,16 

25 . 

c. 31 . 



Limoges 

Evreux 

Rouen 

Choisi 

Wissant 

Dover 

Canterbury 

London 

Worcester 

Winchester 

Reading 

Woodstock 

Dover 

Canterbury 

London 

Windsor 

Westminster 

Canterbury 

London 

Windsor 

Guildford 



1185 



[February] . 

March [c. 10] 
„ 17. 
» 18. 

„ 31. 
April 10-16 

„ 16 . 

„ 21 . 
May 1 . . 
November 7 

9 

December 25 



. Chipping 

Campden 
. Nottingham 
. Reading 
. Clerkenwell 
Westminster 
. Windsor 
. Dover 
. Wissant 
. Rouen 
. Vaudreuil 
. Aumale 
. Belvoir 
. Damfront 



1186 



[February] . . 

March 10, 11 . 

April 27 . . . 

„ c. 30 . . 

May 25 . . 



January 1-6 , 
25 



Winchester 
Melkesham 



July 1 . . . . 
„ 15 . . . 
[July]. . . . 
September 5 . . 
9-14 
October 20 . . 
November 30 . 
December 25, 26 



Gisors 

Gisors 

Southampton 

Merewell 

Winchester 

Eynsham 

Oxford 

Northampton 

Feckenham 

Carlisle 

Woodstock 

Marlborough 

Reading 

Amesbury 

Guildford 



1187 



January 1 . . 
February 10 . . 

„ 11 . 

„ 14-17 
17 . 



Westminster 

Chilham 

Canterbury 

Dover 

Wissant 



APPENDIX 



251 



February 18 
19 



c. 20 



April 5 



June 23 . 

August 28 
[September] 



[November] . 
December 25 



Hesdin 

Driencourt 

Aumale 

Gue St. Reiny, 

near Nonan- 

court 
Chateauroux 
Alencon 
Angers 
Brittany 
Montreleis 
Bur-le-Roy 
Caen 



1188 

January c. 4 . Barfleur 

13-21 . Gisors 

23 . . Le Mans 

c. 25 . Alencon 

29 . . Dieppe 

30 . . Winchelsea 
[February] . . Oxford 

Northampton 
„ 11 . Geddington 

Bury St. 
Edmunds 
29- 
March 1 . . . Clarendon 

[Cirencester] 
[March- April] . Kingston-on- 
Thames 



[March-April] 

June 5 . . 

„ 14 . . 

July 10 . . 

„ 11 . . 

* [12]. • 

„ 16-18 . 

„ 30 . . 

September . 

October [c. 1] 

» 7 . 

November 18 

December 

25 



. Winchester 
Woodstock 
. London 
. Geddington 
. Portsea 
. Barfleur 
. Alencon 
. Gisors 
. Mantes 
. Ivry 
. [Gisors] 
. Chatillon 
. Bonmoulins 
. Guienne 
. Saumur 



February 1 
March 20 . 
May 19 . 
June 4-9 . 

„ 10-12 
„ 12 
„ 18 
July 3 . 
» 4. 
„ 5, 6 



1189 

-3 . Le Mans 
. Le Mans 
. Le Mans 
. La Ferte 

Bernard 
. Le Mans 
. Frenelles 
. Savigny 
. Azay 
. Colombier 
. Chinon : death 

of King 

Henry 



INDEX 



Aaeon of Lincoln, Jew, 200 

Abacus, the, 206 

Abbeys, vacant. See Monasteries, 

vacant 
Abergavenny, 36 
Abraham, the Jew, 199 
Adelisa, Queen, 95 
Adrian IV., Pope, 17, 22-23, 46 ; 

Bull Laudabiliter, 114 
Advowsons, 67, 178 
^lnoth, 146 
Agen, 243 
Aids, 203-5; Sheriff's. See 

Sheriff's aid 
Aixe, 249 
Alais, French Princess, 49, 152, 

164-65, 168-69, 172 
Alais of Savoy, 125 
Ale, 226 

Alencon, 171, 244, 246, 248-49, 251 
Alexander III., Pope, 46-47, 79- 

82, 85-87, 89-90, 94, 101-2, 114- 

15, 122-23, 158 
Allington Cast., 145 
Alnwick, 140 ; Cast., 134 
Amadour, St., 161 
Amboise, 92, 245 ; Cast., 127 
Amesbury, 154, 248, 250 
Anagni, Cardinal John of. Sec 

John of Anagni 
Ancenis, 247 
Angers, 244, 248-51 
Anglesea, 32 
Anglo-Saxon Chron., 237 
Angus, Earl of, 140 
Anjou, 24, 136, 168, 242, 246-47 

Fulk, Count of, 2 

Geoff., Count of, 2-7 

Geoff, of (d. 1158), 8-9, 16, 

24, 44, 204 ; Hamelin of. See 



253 



Warenne, Hamelin of ; Will, of, 

16, 22, 62-63, 99 
Annates Angevines, 238 
Annates Cambrice, 238 
Annates Monastici, 238 
Annals of Loch Ce, 239 
Annals of the Four Masters, 239 
Appleby, Cast., 131, 137, 147 
Aquitaine, 8, 163 
Ard-Righ (Irish King), 103 
Argentan, 101, 242, 245-49 
Arms, Assize of, 218-19 
Army, 217-19 ; Mercenaries (see 

Mercenaries) ; Scutage (see 

S outage) 
Arnulf, Bishop of Lisieux. See 

Lisieux 
Arques, 7 
Arson, 189 

Arundel, 249 ; Cast., 131 
— Earl of, 16, 49, 66, 79-80, 

127, 135, 213 

Joscelin of, 95 

Aumale, 250-51 

Count Will, of, Earl of York- 
shire, 19-20, 131 
Aumone, Phil., Abbot of, 65 
Auvergne, 47, 93, 172, 244-46 
Auvillard, 243 
Avalon, Hugh of. See Lincoln, 

St. Hugh, Bishop of 
Avranches, 122, 242-43, 246 
Axholme, Cast., 130, 139, 145 
Aymary, Phil., 208 
Azai, 171, 251 

Baillol, Bern, de, 140; Joscelin 

de, 83 
Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, 163 
Archd., 55 



254 



INDEX 



Bamborough, 136 

Bampton, Hon. of, 202 

Bandinelli, Cardinal Roland. See 
Alexander III. , Pope 

Bangor, Bpric, 30 

Bannow, 107 

Baptism, Irish custom, 113 

Bar, Count of, 141 

Barcelona, Raymond Berenger, 
Count of. See Raymond Ber- 
enger 

Barfleur, 8, 122, 137, 142, 241-42, 
245-47, 249, 251 

Barre, Rich., 102 

Barri, Gerald de (Giraldus Cam- 
brensis), 38, 106, 166, 214, 226- 
27, 238-39 ; Rob. de, 106 

Basingwerk, 31-33, 37, 244 

Bath, Bpric, 201 

Reynold, Bp. of (Archd. of 

Salisbury), 128 

Battle, Walter de Lucy, Abbot of, 
52 

Battle-axe, the Irish, 103 

Bayeux, 88, 243, 245-46 

Beauchamp, Hugh de, 132 ; Wil- 
liam, 6 

Beaumont, Ermengarde of. Sec 
Ermengarde, Queen of Scotland; 
Rich., Visct. of, 164 

Beauvais, 46, 243 

Bee Hellouin, 243, 248 

Be"cherell, 245 

Becket, Gilb., 54-55 ; Mary. See 
Berking, Mary, Abbess of ; 
Maud, 54-55; Roese,138; Thos., 
Archb. of Canterbury. See Can- 
terbury, Thos. Becket, Archb. 
of 

Belvoir, 250 

Bennington, Keep, 146 

Berenger, 87 

Berkeley, Rog., 6 

Berkhamstead, 244; Cast., 131; 
Hon. of, 57, 65, 72 

Berking, Mary (Becket), Abbess 
of, 139 

Bermondsey, 17, 241 

Berry, 167, 248 

Berwick, 134 ; Cast., 144 

Berwyn, Mts. of, 37 



Beverley, Provostship, 57 

Big, Raymond the. See Raymond 

the Big 
Bigot, Bigod, Hugh, Earl of 

Norfolk. See Norfolk ; Rog. le, 

135 
Bishoprics, vacant. See Sees, 

vacant 
Bisset, Manser, 6 
Blaye in Guienne, 243 
Blois, 159 

Count of (1188), 8, 47, 101, 

127, 167 

Hen. of. See Winchester, 

Hen. Bp. of ; Steph. of. See 
Stephen, King 

Blythe, 242 

Bohun, Engelger de, 96 ; Humph. 

de, 128, 134-35 
Boldon Book, 237 
Bonmoulins, 8, 168, 251 
Bonneville, 125, 137, 247, 249 
Bordeaux, 242 

Bosham, Herb, of, 74, 76, 78, 238 
Boston, 77 
Boulogne, county of, 62 

Eustace of. See Eustace of 

Boulogne ; Mary, Ctss. of, 62, 
77 ; Matthew " (of Flanders), 
Count o 62, 127, 132 ; Will., 
Count of. See Warenne, Will., 
Earl of 

Bourges, 246 
Bourton, 4 
Bowes Cast., 131 
Boxley, Abbot of, 99 
Brabantine mercenaries, 27, 132, 

142 
Brackley Cast., 145 
Brackelond, Jocelin of, 239 
Brakespere, Nich. See Adrian 

IV., Pope 
Brampton, 247 
Braose, Phil, de, 118 ; Will, de, 

153 
Breifnv, 105 

Breteuil, 246 ; Cast., 132 
Breton, Rich, le, 96, 99 
Bridgnorth. 242, 247 ; Cast., 22 
Brightwell Cast., 10 
Brill, 242 



INDEX 



255 



Bristol, 9, 105, 112, 119; Cast., 

146 ; Dublin granted to, 224 
Brittany, 24, 44, 47-49, 132-33, 

144, 245-46, 251 
Conan, Count of, 24, 44, 49, 

66, 144; Geoff., Count of (d. 

1158). Sec Anjou, Geoff, of; 

Geoff., Count of (d. 1186). -See 

Geoffrey, son of Hen. II ; Hoel, 

Count of, 24 
Broc, Randulf, Ranulf de, 76, 

82-83, 93, 135 ; Rob. de, 95, 97, 

99 
Brockenhurst, 242 
Broi, Phil, de, 63-64 
Brough-under-Stanemore, 137 
Brueroles, 245 
Brut-y-Tywysogion, 238 
Bungay, Cast., 130, 141 
Burgundy, Dk. of, 171 
Bur-le-Roi, 95, 124, 245-47, 249, 

251 
Burrell, a cloth, 223 
Bury St. Edmunds, 11, 24, 135, 

242, 248, 251 

Cadwalader, Welsh prince, 26, 
33, 36 

Caen, 243-47, 249, 251 

Caereinion Cast., 38 

Caerleou on Usk, Cast., 112 

Cahaignes, Ralf de, 199 

Cahors, 46, 57 

Calculating board. -S'ee Abacus 

Cambridge, Cast., 131 

Earldom, 127 

Cambridgeshire, 11, 226 

Canterbury, 59, 94, 162, 243, 247- 
50 ; Becket's murder, 95-100 ; 
Cast., 131 ; Christ Church 
Priory, 52, 138, 227 ; fire at, 11, 
61, 230 ; Henry II. 's penance at, 
138 ; moneyers, 208 ; pilgrim- 
ages to, 157-58 ; St. Augustine's 
Abbey, 203 

Archbpric, 16, 52, 74, 90, 201 

Bald., Archb. of, 162, 

166; Rich., Archb. of, 128-29, 
149, 162 ; Theobald, Archb. of, 
11, 15, 50, 54-57 ; Thos. Becket 
(St.), Archb. of, Bibliography, 



238 ; burial, 99-100 ; canonisa- 
tion, 129 ; as chancellor, 15, 46, 
50-51, 57-58 ; consecration as 
archb., 50-54 ; early life, 54-56 
French embassy, 41-43 ; Henry 
II. 's penance at tomb of, 138 
murder, 95-99, 122-24, 153 ; pil 
grimages to shrine of, 156-58 
struggle with the king, 58-95, 
197 

Geoff. Ridel, Archd. of. See 

Ely, Geoff. Ridel, Bp. of ; Walt., 
Archd., 56. 

Gerv. of, 238 ; Will, of, 238 

Caplevic, 248 

Cardiff, 246 ; Cast., 34 

Cardigan Cast., 37 

Cardigan, dist. of, 33, 35 

Carlisle, 6, 40, 127, 242-43, 250; 
Cast., 131, 134 ; mines, 202, 225 ; 
siege, 136-37, 139 

Carmarthen, 34 

Carrick Cast., 110-11 

Carthusians, 154, 228 

Cashel, 246 ; Council of, 113-14 

Castile, King of, 150 

Castles in England, 12, 18-19, 
130-31, 145-46, 210 ; in Ireland, 
118 ; in Wales, 28 

Coiriog, valley of the, 36 

Champigny, 136 

Chancellor, 183 

Chastel, Hugh de, 135 

Chitteaudun, 243 

Chateauroux, 164, 167, 248, 251 

Chatillon, 167, 243, 251 

Chaumont, 48, 245 

Cheddar, 242 

Cheeses, English, 226 

Cherbourg, 44, 243, 247, 249 

Chester, 25-26, 37, 242, 244; 
Cast., 130 ; Irish trade, 224 

Hugh, Earl of, 66, 126, 

130, 132-33, 138, 144; Ralph, 
Earl of, 6, 21 

Cheyney, Will., 11, 49, 199 
Chichester Cast., 131; fire of (1187), 
231 

Hilary, Bp. of, 52, 65, 73, 

75, 79, 82; Joscelin, Bp. of, 
128 



256 



INDEX 



Chilham, 250 ; Cast., 131 

Chinon, 24, 82, 125, 165, 167, 171- 
72, 242, 244-46, 249, 251 

Chipping Campden, 250 

Chirk, 36 

Choisi-on-the-Loire, 243, 250 

Church, the English, 60-61, 63- 
69, 128, 149-50, 193, 212-13, 
234. See also Clarendon, Con- 
stitutions of, and Ecclesiastical 
Courts 

the, Irish, 113-15 

the Welsh, 30 

Churches, 232 ; advowsons. See 

advowsons ; lands granted to, 

179 
Cider, 226 

Cinque Ports, 219-22, 224 
Cirencester, 9, 248, 251 
Cistercians, 227 
Clare, Earl of, 34, 63, 141 

Rich, of, Earl of Pembroke. 

See Pembroke 

Clarendon, 210, 242, 244, 247, 251 ; 
Assize of, 182-85, 187 ; Constitu- 
tions of, 66-67, 79-81, 86, 89, 
122, 177-82; Council of, 65- 
69 

Cleobury, 242 ; Cast., 21 

Clerical courts. See Ecclesiastical 
courts 

Clerkenwell, 250 

Clifford, Rosamund (Pair Rosa- 
mund), 152 ; Walt., 33 

Clipston, 210 

Clondalkin moor, 108 

Cloth trade, 147, 223 

Cock-fighting, 230 

Cogan, Miles de, 108-11, 118; 
Rich, de, 111 

Coinage, 207-9 

Colchester, 24, 222, 242; Cast., 
131 

Cologne, Archb. of, 49 

Colombier, 171, 251 

Combour, 244 

Conan, Count of Brittany. See 
Brittany 

Conches, 132, 246 

Connaught, King of, 118, 120 

Consillt, 31 



Constable of England, office, 32 
Constance (of Brittany), 144 

Queen of France, 41 

French princess. See St. 

Gilles, Constance, Ctss. of 
Constantin, Geoff, de, 130 
Constantinople, 150 
Constitutional history, 175-93 
Conway, 32 
Cork, King of, 120 
Cornhill, Gerv. of, 93 
Cornouaille, 245 
Cornwall, cloth manuP., 223; tin 

mines, 225 

Reynold, Earl of, 16, 34, 66, 

68, 118, 127,133, 135, 152 

Coronation, 15-17, 41, 51-52, 90- 
91, 123-24 

Coudre, Simon de, 86 

Courcy, John de, 116, 121 ; Rob. 
de, 31 

Court Christian. See Ecclesi- 
astical courts 

Courtmantel, nickname of Hen. 
II., 173 

Coventry, 225 

Craon, Maur. de, 173 

Cressi, Hugh de, 135 

Cricklade, 4, 242 

Crioill, Sim. de, 97 

Crook, 113 

Crowmarsh, 10-11 

Crown demesnes, grants of, 18-19, 
195 

Crusade, 83, 153, 160-61, 163,165- 
66, 169, 172, 200 

Cumberland, 25 

Cumin, John, 83 

Customs dues, 224-25 

Cynan, Welsh prince, 31 

Dampront, 245, 249-50 
Damville, 246 
Danegeld, 203 
David, King of Scotland, 6 

Scottish prince, 127, 130 

ap Owain, Welsh King, 31 

128, 142 

Dean, Forest of, 226 
Debts, pleas of, 178 
Be Legibus, 239 



INDEX 



257 



Demetia. See Wales, South 
De Principis Instructione, 239 
Derby, Ferrers, Earl of. See 

Ferrers, Earl 
Derbyshire lead mines, 225 
Dermot MacMurrogh, King of 

Leinster, 104-9, 239 
Dervorgille, Irish queen, 105 
Descriptio Cambrice, 238 
Devizes, 6 

Devon tin mines, 225 
Dialogus de Seaccario, 239 
Diceto, Ralph de, 238 
Dieppe, 251 
Dighesmut, 248 
Dinan, 245 
Dives, Will, de, 127 
Dol, 132-33, 244, 246 
Domfront, 87 
Donnell Kavanagh, Irish prince, 

107 
Dover, 12, 23, 49, 59, 93, 220, 

242-43, 248-50 ; Cast., 127, 131, 

210 
Dover, Prior of, 99 ; Rich., Prior 

of. See Canterbury, Rich., 

Archb. of 
Draco Novmannicus, 238 
Drausius, St., 82 
Drax, Cast., 18 

Driencourt, 249-51 ; Cast., 131 
Drunkenness, 227-28 
Dublin, 108-10, 112, 115-17, 224, 

246 
Duel, judicial, 190-91 
Duffield Cast., 130 
Dundonuil, 108 
Dunham Cast., 130 
Dunstable, 12 

Dunstanville, , 66 

Dunstaple, 63 

Dunwich, 139 

Durham Cast., 130, 141 

Hugh Puiset, Bp. of, 90, 128, 

130, 134, 146, 203 
Dynevor, 35 

EASTRY, 77 

Ecclesiastical courts, 60-61, 63- 

71, 149, 178-82 
Edinburgh Cast., 144, 164 



Eleanor (dau. of Hen. II.), Queen 
of Castille, 150 

(of Aquitaine), Queen of Eng- 
land, 7-8, 24, 40-41, 44-45, 
125, 138, 149, 163 

Ely, 248 ; Bpric, 201 

Geoff., Ridel, Bp. of (Archd. 

of Canterbury), 72, 84, 87, 92-93, 
128 ; Nigel, Bp. of, 195 

Emelin Cast., 142 

dist., 142 

Emma, Queen of North Wales, 
sister of Hen. II., 142 

England, Church of. See Church, 
the English 

Epernon Cast., 46 

Ermengarde (of Beaumont), Queen 
of Scotland, 164 

Ernald the armourer, 36 

Essex, Geoff, de Mandeville, Earl 
of, 25, 66 ; Will, de Mandeville, 
Earl of, 96, 127, 153, 171 

Hen. of, Constable of Eng- 
land, 16, 31-32 

Estrepagny, 243 

Eu, Count of, 66, 72, 126 

Eustace of Boulogne, son of King 
Stephen, 6-7, 11, 45, 56 

Master, 55 

Eva, Irish princess, 106, 108 

Evesham, 11, 242, 249 

Evreux, 250 ; Bp. of, 102, 124 

Count of, 46, 126, 151 

Exchequer, 194-95, 206-7, 237, 239 

Excommunication, 67, 181 

Exeter, fire of (1161), 230 

Bp. of, 52 

Exports, 226 

Expugnatio Hibemice, 238 

Eye, Hon. of, 57, 65, 72 

Eynesford, Will, of, 63, 72 

Eynsham, 247, 250 

Falaise, 91, 144, 156, 243, 245, 

247, 249 ; Cast, of, 136 
Fantosme, Jordan, 239 
Farms (firmae) of counties and 

honours, 196 
Faye, Ralph de, 125-26 
F6camp, 243 
Feckenham, 247-50 

R 



258 



INDEX 



Ferns, 109 

Ferrers, Earl, 66, 126, 130, 142, 

145, 176 
Final concords. See Fines 
Finance, 194-211, 236 
Fines, payments, 198-202 

(final concords), 186-87 

Fires, 230 
Firmse. See Farms 
Fitz-Audelin, Will., 114, 118 
Fitz-Bernard, Rob., 113, 116-17 
Fitz-Count, Brian, 10 
Fitz-Ercenbald, Will, 202 
Fitz-Gerald, Dav., Bp. of St. 

David's. See St. David's ; Maur., 

107 ; Warin, 16 
Fitz-Godebert, Rich., 106 
Fitz-Harding, Rob., 105 
Fitz-Henry, Meiler, 106, 110, 116 
Fitz-Herbert, Herb., 118 ; Will., 1 18 
Fitz-John, Eustace, 31 ; Will., 96 
Fitz-Neal, Rich., 239 
Fitz-Nigel, Will., 97 
Fitz-Peter, Sim., 63-64, 66 
Fitz-Richard, Rog., 134 
Fitz-Stephen, Rob., 37, 106, 110- 

11, 113, 116-18; Will., 74-75, 

228, 238 
Fitz-Urse, Reynold, 96-98 
Flanders, Count of, 12, 16, 59, 62, 

77, 127, 131-32, 139, 150, 153, 

159, 162, 167, 171 ; Ctss. of, 12 ; 

Matthew of. See Boulogne, 

Matthew, Count of 
Flemeng, Steph. le, 119 
Flemings ; banishment, 146-47 ; 

clothworkers, 223-24 ; heretics, 

83; mercenaries, 17, 119, 136; 

in rebellion of the young king, 

134-36, 139, 141 ; Welsh colony, 

17 
Foliot, Gilb., Bp. of London (Bp. 

of Hereford). See London ; 

Rob., Bp. of Hereford. See 

Hereford 
Fontevrault Abbey, 154, 173 
Forest laws, 147-49, 188, 205 
Forest, Assize of the, 191-93 
Forgery, 189 

Fornham-St. Geneveve, battle of, 
117, 135 



Fougeres, 244 

Ralph of, 132-33, 144 

Four Masters, Annals of the. See 

Annals of the Four Masters 
Framlingham Cast., 130, 135, 141, 

146 
Frank pledges, 185 
Frascati, 102 
Frederic I., Emperor, 41, 46, 80- 

81, 150, 159 
Freeholds, actions concerning, 

190 ; succession to, 189-90 
Frenelles, 251 
Fresnai, 170 
Frdteval, 91, 243 
Fugitive criminals, 185 
Fyrd, 217 

Galloway, 164, 204 

Gaols, 185 

Gascony, 244-45 

Geddington, 166, 247-48, 251 

Geoffrey, son of Hen. II. ; birth, 
45 ; Brittany acquired, 49, 144 ; 
death, 121, 164 ; marriage, 49, 
144 ; quarrels with Richard, 
160, 163 ; rebellion, 126, 133 

illegitimate son of Hen. 

II. (Bp. of Lincoln), 128, 139, 
156, 170-71, 173 

Gerard, heretic, 83 
Gesta Henrici, 238 

Stephani, 237 

Gilbertines, 228 

Gilds, 223, 225 

Giraldus Cambrensis. See Barri, 

Gerald de 
Gisors, 44, 47, 117, 129, 133, 143, 

164-65, 242, 244, 246-47, 249- 

51 ; elm of, 165, 167 
Glamorgan, 34 
Glanville, Ranulph de, 119, 140, 

146, 186, 239 
Glastonbury Abbey, 201, 231 
Glendalough, 107 
Gloucester, 119, 225, 242, 244, 

247-48 ; Cast., 21, 146 

Rob., Earl of, 3-4 ;, WilL 

Earl of, 5, 33-34, 72, 127, 146 
151 ; Ctss. of, 34 

Isabel. See Isabel (of 



INDEX 



259 



Gloucester), wife of King 

John 
Godred, King of Man, 41 
Godstow Abbey, 152 
Gorram, 246 
Gorron, 249 

Gospatric, son of Orm, 137, 147 
Gower, 34 
Grammont, 248-49 ; monastery of, 

160, 228 
Grand Assize, the, 190 
Grantham, 77 
Graszay, 248 
Gratian, Cardinal, 87 
Gravelines, 78 
Grim, Edw., 98, 238 
Groby Cast., 130, 142, 145 
Grosmont, 36 

Gruffudd, of South Wales, 33 
Guerberoi, 243 
Gue St. Remy, 251 
Guienne, 49, 243-44, 251 
Guildford, 250 
Guillaume le Marechal, 239 
Gundeville, Hugh de, 96 
Guy^ King of Jerusalem, 165 
Gwynedd, Owain, King of North 

Wales. See Owain Gwynedd 

Haebottle, fortress, 137 

Harcourt, Ivo de, 199 

Hasculf Torkil'sson, 108, 111-12 

Hastings, 220-21 ; Cast., 131 

Rich, de, 68 

Haughley Cast., 135 

Haverfordwest, 246 

Haverholme, 77 

Hawking, 214-15 

Hedde, 245 

Henry V., Emperor, 1 

Henry I., King of England, 2-3, 
33, 191 

Henry II. , arms of, 173 ; Becket 
controversy, 50-102, 138, 140, 
153-54; birth, 3; children of, 
see Geoffrey, Henry, Joan, John, 
Maud, Richard, William ; coro- 
nation, 16, 41 ; death, 173 ; de- 
scription of, 14-15, 213-14, 234- 
35 ; England acquired by, 4-13, 
25 ; financial policy, 194-211 ; 



foreign policy, 40-49, 150-53, 
158-59, 164-72 ; Ireland in reign 
of, 23, 103-21 ; itinerary, 241- 
51 ; legal and constitutional 
work, 175-93 ; marriage, 8 ; mili- 
tary organisation under, 217- 
19; navy of, 219-22 ; rebellion 
against, 19-22, 122-44, 160-62, 
167-72 ; Welsh wars of, 26-39 
Henry, son of Henry I., 33 

son of Hen. II., King, at 

Avranches, 123; Becket and, 
51, 65, 96 ; birth, 21 ; Brittany 
under, 49; coronation, 51, 90, 
124; court at Bur-le-Roi, 124; 
death, 161-62 ; fealty sworn to, 
22, 51 ; French King aided by, 
159 ; marriage, 42, 44, 47 ; re- 
bellion, 116, 125-44; tourna- 
ments, 215 ; war with Richard, 
160 

Dk. of Saxony, 49, 150, 

159 

(of Blois), Bp. of Winches- 
ter. See Winchester 

of Pisa, Cardinal, 47, 51 

Heraclius, Patriarch of Jerusalem. 

See Jerusalem 
Hereford Cast., 21 
Archd. of, 168 

Gilb. Foliot, Bp. of. See 

London, Gilb. Foliot, Bp. of ; 
Rob. Foliot, Bp. of (Archd. of 
Lincoln), 128; Rob. of Melun, 
Bp. of, 65, 81 

Rog. , Earl of, 6, 21 

Herefordshire, vineyards, 226 
Heretics, 83 
Hertford Cast., 131 

Earl of, 66, 151 

Hesdin, 251 

Hilliricourt, 243 

Holy Trinity, Feast of. See Trinity 

Sunday 
Houses, 231-32 
Hoveden, Rog. of, 238 
Howel, Welsh prince, 112 
Hugh (of Lincoln), St. See Lincoln, 

Hugh, Bp. of 
Huitdeniers, Osbern, 55 
Humet, Rich, de, 16, 96 
R2 



260 



INDEX 



Humez, Will, de, 132 
Hunting, 214-15 

Huntingdon, 247; Cast., 130, 137, 
139, 141, 145 ; weavers, 223 

Earldom, 25, 127, 139 

Hen. of, 237 

Hussey, Hen., 6 
Hythe, 220-21 

Ilchester, Rich. of. Sec Win- 
chester, Rich, of Ilchester, Bp. 
of (Archd. of Poitiers) 

Industries. See Trade and In- 

Interdict, 67, 88-89, 101-2, 152 

Ipres, Will, of, 17 

Ipswich, 11 

Ireland, bibliography, 238-39 ; 

conquest, 16, 22-23, 104-21 ; 

description, 103-4 ; trade with, 

224 
Irish Church. See Church, the 

Irish 
Iron industry, 225-26 
Isabel (of Gloucester), wife of 

King John, 151 
Itinerarium Cambrice, 238 
Itinerary of Hen. II., 241-51 
Ivry, 248-49, 251 ; Conference at, 

152-53 

Jedburgh Cast., 144 

Jerusalem, fall of, 165 ; King of, 
41, 165 

Heraclius, Patriarch of, 

162-63 

Jews, 199-200, 218 

Joan (dau. of Hen. II.), Queen of 
Sicily, 150-51 

John (son of Hen. II.), besieged 
at Chateauroux, 164 ; birth, 49 ; 
grants to, 144 ; Ireland under, 
118-21 ; marriage schemes for, 
125, 151-52, 169 ; Norman castles 
reserved for, 171 ; rebellion, 
172 ; war with Richard, 163, 
170 

of Anagni, Card., 169 

the Wode, 111-12 

Jordan, castellan at Malmesbury, 
10 



Jorweth ap Owain, 112 
Jorwerth the Red, 36-37 
Jousts. See Tournaments 
Jury, trial by. See Trial by jury 
Justices, itinerant, 182-84, 189 
Justiciar, 183 

Kavanagh, Donnell, Irish prince. 

See Donnell 
Kenilworth Cast., 131 
Kent, 127, 226 
Kildare, 116 

Kingston-on-Thames, 251 
Kirkby Cast., 145 
Knaresborough, 249 ; Cast., 99 
Knight service, 217-18 

La Chatre, 248 

Lacy, Hugh de, '116-18, 120-21, 
132 

La Ferte Bernard, 168, 245, 251 

La Haye, 136 

La Haye, Ralph de, 139 

L'Aigle, Richer of, 8, 55, 66 

La Mote Garnier, 245 

Laudabiliter, Bull, 114-15 

Lauder Cast., 130 

Lead mines, 225-26 

Legal codes, 177-93 

Legge, Rob., 97 

Leicester, 131, 133, 142; Cast., 
130-31, 133, 142, 145 

Ctss. Peronelle of, 135-36 ; 

Rob., Earl of (d. 1168), 6, 15- 
16, 66, 68, 75-76, 126 ; Rob., 
Earl of (d. 1190), 126-27, 130, 
132-36, 138, 144, 146-47 

Leicestershire, Bertram de Verdon, 
Sheriff of. See Verdon 

Leinster, 104, 106, 109, 111, 116- 
17 

Le Mans, 44, 166, 168-70, 174, 
243-47, 249-51 

Lenton Priory, 21 

Leon, 245 

Les Andelys, 48 

Lesnes, priory of, 158 

Lichfield, 247, 249 

Liddel fortress, 137 

Lillebonne, 243 



INDEX 



261 



Limerick, 117-18 ; King of, 120 
Limoges, 125, 160, 242-43, 246, 

249-50 
Limousin, 248 
Lincoln, 21, 77, 241-42, 244 ; aid 

paid by, 203-4 ; Cast., 131 ; 

cath., 56; local tradition, 40; 

weavers, 223 

Bpric. of, 201 

Bp. of, 63-64, 199, 203; 

Geoffrey, Bp. of. See Geoff., 

illegitimate son of Hen. II. ; 

St. Hugh (of Avalon), Bp. of, 

154-57, 239 
Rob. Foliot, Archd. of. See 

Hereford, Rob. Foliot, Bp. of 
Aaron of, Jew. Sec Aaron 

of Lincoln 
Lions la-Foret, 243, 249 
Lisbon expedition, 220 
Lisieux, Archd. of, 74, 102 
Arnulf, Bp. of, 65, 82, 102, 

122, 128 
Llandaff, Archd. of, 114 

bpric, 30 

Llantilis, 36 

Llewellyn, Alexander, 73 

Loch Ce, Annals of. Sec Annals of 

Loch Gi 
Loches, 245 
London. 12, 21, 129, 242-45, 247-48, 

250-5 1 ; aid paid by , 203 ; Bridge , 

225 ; Fitz-Stephen's account of, 

228-31 ; gilds, adulterine, 225 ; 

Rouen's trading privilege, 224 ; 

St. Mary le Strand, ch.,""56 ; St. 

Paul's Cath., 56, 87; Tower, 

57, 131 ; weavers, 223 

bpric, 52 

Gilb. Foliot, Bp. of (Bp. of 

Hereford), 50, 54, 59, 65, 74- 

75, 79, 81, 87, 90, 93-94, 102, 

138 
Longchamp, Will., 168 
Loudun, 24, 125, 242 
Louis VII., King of France ; 

alliances with Hen. II., 13, 44, 

152-53 ; Becket protected, 79, 

86, 89, 101 ; death, 158 ; Hen. 

II. 's homage to, 24 ; marriages, 

7-8, 41, 47 ; pilgrimage to 



Canterbury, 157-58 ; rebellions 
against Hen. II. supported, 124- 
26, 132-33, 136, 142-43 ; wars 
with Hen. II., 6-9, 46-49 

Luci, Rich, de, appointed justi- 
ciar, 16 ; at Council of Clar- 
endon, 66 ; death, 158 ; defeat 
near Oxford, 11 ; election to see 
of Canterbury held, 52 ; excom- 
munication of, 82, 87 ; nick- 
names, 84, 128 ; renounces 
allegiance to Becket, 78 ; writ 
suspending forest laws pro- 
duced, 148 ; young king's re- 
bellion resisted, 127-28, 133-34 

Ludgershall, 247 

Lusignan, Geoff, de, 126 ; Guy de, 
126, 165 

MacDonnchadh, King of Ossory, 

111 
Mackelan, 107 
MacMurrogh, Dermot, King of 

Leinster. See Dermot 
Madog of Powys, 36 
Maine, 24, 168, 244, 246 
Malannai, 143 
Malcolm, King of Scotland, 25, 

40-41 , 45 
Malmesbury Cast., 9 
Malory, Ansketil, 142 
Malzeard Cast., 130, 139, 145 
Man, Isle of, 41 
Mandeville, Earl Will. de. Sec 

Essex, Will, de Mandeville, 

Earl of 
Manor-houses, 231-32 
Mantes, 7, 167, 251 
Manuel, Emperor of Constanti- 
nople, 150 
Map, Walt. See Oxford, Walt. 

Map, Archd. of 
Marchers, Lords, 28, 38-39 
Marches, Hugh de Mortimer, lord 

of the. See Mortimer 
Margaret, Queen (French princess), 

41-42, 44, 47, 90-91, 124, 138, 

157, 164 
Mark, 207 
Marlborough Cast., 144, 244, 247- 

50 ; Council at, 81 



262 



INDEX 



Marshal, John the, 70-71, 75 ; Will. 

the, 127, 129, 161, 168-70, 173, 

215-16 
Martel, 161 
Mary, dau. of King Stephen. See 

Boulogne, Mary, Ctss. of 
Masci, Hamo de, 130, 145, 147 
Matthew, Master, 4 
Matthew of Flanders. See Boul- 
ogne, Matthew, Count of 
Mauclerc, Hugh, 99 
Maud, Empress, 1-5, 18, 23, 48, 

50, 81, 85 
Dchss. of Saxony, dau. of 

Hen. II., 24, 49, 80 
Maurienne, Hub., Count of, 125, 

151 
Mauvoisin, Will., 96 
Meath, 116 
Melkesham, 250 
Melun, Rob. of. See Hereford, 

Rob. of Melun, Bp. of 
Mercenaries, 17, 27, 36, 45, 119, 

129, 132, 136, 142, 194 
Merewell, 250 
Merionethshire, 37 
Merton Priory, 55 
Meulan, Count of, 126 
Miles, son of the Bp. of St. David's, 

106 
Milford Haven, 112, 119, 246 
Militia, 217-19 
Mines, 225-26 
Mirabeau, 24, 125, 242, 250 
Monasteries, 226-28, 239 ; vacant, 

149, 178, 201 
Money, 207-9 
Moneyers, 208 
Money-lending, 199-200 
Mont Dieu, Prior of, 86 
Montferrand, 125, 246 
Montfort Cast., 46 
Hugh de, 32 ; Rob. de, 31- 

32 
Montgomery, 36 
Mont Louis, 247 

Lucon, 246 

Montmartre, 89, 245 
Montmirail, 86, 245 
Montmorency, Hervey de, 106, 

108, 117 



Montreleis, 251 

Mont St. Michel, 243-44 

Montsoreau, 9 

Morgan, Welsh prince, 29 

Morin, Ralph, 97 

Mortain, 127, 249 

Mort d'Ancestor, Assize of, 190 

Mortimer, Hugh de, lord of the 

Welsh marches, 21-22, 199 
Mortimer-en-Lions, 243 
Morville, Moreville, Hugh de, 96, 

98-99, 137 ; John de, 137 ; Rich. 

de, 130, 137, 140 
Mountsorel Cast., 130, 142 
Mowbrav, Rog., 126, 130, 136, 139- 

40, 142, 145 
Munfichet, Gilb., 141 
Munster, 111, 117-18 
Murder, amercement for, 199 ; 

punishment of clerks for, 150 
Mutilation, 184, 189 

Nantes, 24, 44, 242, 245 

Nant Pencarn, stream, 34 

Navarre, King of, 150 

Navy, 219-22 

Neaufles Cast., 47 

Neckam, Alex., 239 

Nest, Welsh princess, 33 

Neufbourg, 243 

Neufchatel, 245 ; Cast., 47 

Neufmarche\ 46, 243 

Nevers, Bp. of, 89 

Newburgh, Will, of, 238 

Newcastle, 140; Cast., 131, 134 

Newnham, 112 

Newport, 246 

Nonancourt, 248-49, 251 

Norfolk, Hugh Bigot, Earl of, 
deprived of castles, 25 ; ex- 
communicated, 87 ; fine paid, 
199; high steward, 16; in re- 
bellion of the young king, 126, 
130, 134-36, 139, 141 ; re-created 
earl 20 

Norha'm Cast., 130, 141 

Normandy, 4, 6-7, 23, 171, 242-47 

Northallerton Cast., 130, 141, 146 

Northampton, 20,25, 65, 130, 141, 
241-44, 246-48, 250-51 ; aid paid 
by, 203 ; battle at, 142 ; Council 



INDEX 



263 



of, 70-77 ; St. Andrew's Priory, 

73 
Northampton, Earl of, 127, 139 

Assize of, 189 

Northamptonshire, iron industry, 

225 
Northumberland, 25, 127, 133-34 

Hen., Earl of, 6 

North Wales. See Wales, North 

Norway, 41 

Norwich, 242 ; aid paid by, 203-4 ; 

capture of, 139; Cast., 24, 131 

Bp. of, 67, 151 

Nottingham, 21, 147, 241-42, 247- 

50 ; Cast., 131, 144, 210 ; 

plundered, 11 ; sack of, 142 ; 

weavers, 223 
Novel Disseisin, Assize of, 185- 

86, 189 

O'Brien, King of Munster, 111 

O'Conor, Roderic, Irish Ard-Righ. 
See Roderic O'Conor ; Turlogh, 
Irish Ard-Righ. See Turlogh 

Octavian. See Victor III., Pope 

O'Dempsey, 116 

Odrone, Pass of, 110 

Offaly, 116 

Off elan, 107 

Ongar, 242 

Ordeal of battle, see Duel, judi- 
cial ; of water, 184 

Oreford Cast., 131 

Orewell, 139 

O'Rourke, Tiernan, King of 
Breifny. See Tiernan 

Ossory, King of, 107, 111 

Oswestry, 36, 244 

Otford, Ch., 56 

O'Toole, 107 ; Lawr., Archb., 108-9 

Otto, Cardinal, 84 

Owain Cyveliog, Welsh prince, 
36-37 

Gwynedd, King of North 

Wales, 26, 29, 31-33, 35-38 

Oxford, 12, 19, 65, 241, 243-44, 
247-51; battle, 11: Cast., 131, 
210 ; weavers, 223 

Walt. Map, Archd. of, 214, 

227 239 

Aubrey de Vere, Earl of, 23 



Oxford, John of. See Salisbury, 
John of Oxford, Dean of 

Pacey, 8, 167, 245 

Pagham, man., 70 

Painel, Gerv., 145, 147 

Paris, 43-44, 242 

Patric, Will., 132 

Pavia, Cardinal Will. of. See 

William 
Paynel, Fulk, 202 
Peak, The, 25, 131, 242, 244 
Peasantry, 212, 232-33 
Pembroke, 112-13, 246 
Eva, Ctss. of. See Eva, Irish 

princess ; Gilb., Earl of, 4 ; 

Rich., Earl of, 49, 106, 108- 

12, 116-18 
Pembrokeshire, 35 
Pencader, 34 
Penny, silver, 207 
Perche, 245 

Count of, 48 

Perigueux, 243, 249 
Peterborough, 241 ; abbey, 21 

Abbot Benedict of, 238 

Pevensey Cast., 4, 24, 55 

Peverel, Will., 21 

Philip II., Augustus, King of 

France ; 157-59, 162-69, 171-72 
Pierre Buffiere, 249 
Pipe Rolls, 236 
Pisa, Cardinal Henry of. See 

Henry 
Planches, 85 
Plinlimmon, Mts. of, 34 
Poer, Rob. le, 118 ; Will, le, 119 
Poitiers, 243-44, 247, 250 
Richd. of Ilchester, Archd. 

of. See Winchester, Richd. of 

Ilchester, Bp. of 
Poitou, 8, 48-49, 137, 144, 160, 163, 

242, 245, 249 
Pomeray, Jolland de la, 118 
Pontefract, 249 
Ponthieu, 245 

Count of, 48, 126 

Pontigny, 81-83 

Pont l'Eveque, Rog. of, Archb. of 

York. Sec York 
Orson, 246 



264 



INDEX 



Porchester, 244 ; Cast., 131 

Porhoet, 245 

Port, Ad. de, 136, 140, 202 

Portfinnan, 246 

Portsea, 251 

Portsmouth, 90, 122, 242, 245-49 

Portugal, King of, 162 

Pound (in money), 207-9 

Powys, 27, 36, 244 

Prendergast, Mauv., 106-8, 111, 

117 
Prestatyn, Cast., 38 
Preuilly, 136 
Prices, 209 

Prudhoe Cast., 131, 139 
Puiset, Bp. Hugh. See Durham, 

Hugh Puiset, Bp. of 

Quency, Rob. de, 116 
Quillebceuf, 249 
Quincy, Saer de, 96 

Radnor, 34 

Ramsey, 21, 241 

Rastel, Rog., 119 

Raymond Berenger, Count of 
Barcelona, 45 

the Big, 108-10, 117-18 

Reading, 31-32, 243-44, 247-50; 
Cast., 10 

Red Booh of the Excliequcr, 237 

Redon, 244 

Regan, Morice, 106, 108, 239 

Relief, a death duty, 201-2 

Rennes, 244 

Reynold, Archd. of Salisbury, Bp. 
of Bath. See Bath 

Rheims, Archb. of, 150, 171 

Council of (1148), 56 

Rhuddlan, 32-33, 35-36, 38, 244 

Rhys (ap Gruffudd), King of South 
Wales, 33-38, 106, 112, 128, 142 

Gwrgant ap, 29 

Richard I., son of Henry II., be- 
sieged at Chateauroux, 164 ; 
birth, 40 ; cross assumed by, 
166; Hen. II. 's fortune dissi- 
pated, 211 ; King, 173 ; mar- 
riage scheme, 49, 152, 164, 168 ; 
rebellions, 126, 133, 137, 143-44, 
165, 168-72 ; wars with brothers, 



160, 163; war with Philip of 
France, 166-67 ; war with Tou- 
louse, 166 

Richard, Prior of St. Martin's. 
See St. Martin's, Rich., Prior of 

Strongbow, 127, 238 

Richmond (Yorks.), 249; Cast., 
131 

Conan, Earl of. Sec Brittany, 

Conan, Count of 

Ridel, Geoff., Bp. of Ely— Archd. 
of Canterbury. See Ely 

Robert, Duke of Normandy, 1 

Rochelle, la, 162 

Roche Mabille, 244 

Rochester, 95 ; Cast., 127, 131 

Bp. of, 52, 90 

Rochfort Cast., 46 

Roderic O'Conor, Irish Ard-Righ, 
107-10, 113, 115 

Roger, Archb. of York. See York 

Romhey, 69, 220 

Romsey, Mary, Abbess of. See 
Boulogne, Mary, Ctss. of 

Roquemadour, 161, 245 

Rosamund, Fair. Sec Clifford, 
Rosamund 

Rotrou, Archb. See Rouen, Rotrou, 
Archb. of 

Rouen, 44, 129, 131, 133, 152,242- 
48, 250 ; siege, 142-43 ; sur- 
render to Geoff, of Anjou, 4 ; 
trading privilege in London, 224 

Rotrou, Archb. of, 81, 89, 

102, 124 

Etienne of, 238 

Roxburgh Cast., 144 

Rufus, Guy, 154 

Rye, 221 

Sackville, Nigel de, 93 

Saintes, 137, 247 

St. Alban's Abbey, 176 

St. Asaph, bpric, 30 

St. Barbe, 246 

St. David's, 113, 115, 246 

St. David's, bpric, 30 

St. David's, Dav. Fitz-Gerald, Bp. 

of, 113 
St. Denis, 245 
St. Edmunds, Abbot of, 199 



INDEX 



265 



St, Germain-en-Laye, 245 

St. Giles, fair of, Winchester, 223 

St. Gilles, 151 

St. Gilles, Count of, 45 ; Ctss. of, 

45 
St. Hilaire, Hasculf de, 127, 132 
St. John, John, 6 
St. Machaire, 245 
St. Malo, 245 

St Martin's, Rich., prior of, 94 
St. Mary of Wigford, ch., 40 
St. Michael's Mount, 44 
St. Omer, 242; St. Bertin, Mon., 

77-78 
St. Omer, Otes, or Tostes, de, 68, 

141 
St. Yriez, 249 
Saladin, 165 

tithe, 166 

Salisbury, 242-43 

Reynold, Archd. of. See 

Bath, Reynold, Bp. of 

Bp. of, 67, 87, 90, 93-94, 102 

John of Oxford, Dean of, 80, 

83-84, 93-94, 102 

Earl of, 6, 66, 127 

John of, 22-23, 238 

Saltwood, 95, 99 ; Cast., 96, 145 

Hon. of, 93 

Sandwich, 93, 220, 222 

Sarthe R., 169 

Saumur, 242, 251 

Savigny, 122, 246, 251 

Savoy, 125 

Saxony, Hen., Dk. of. See Henry 

Scandinavians, 108, 111-12 

Scarborough, 60, 225, 241 ; Cast., 

20 
Scotland, vassalage to England, 

144 ; war with, 134, 136, 139- 

40 239 
Scutage, 204-5, 217-18 
Sees, vacant, 149, 178, 201 
S£ez, 245 ; Bp. of, 82 
Selby, 147 

Selby, Fulk of. 147 ; Will, of, 147 
Seleham, 141, 247 
Sempringham, Gilb. of, 228 

Priory, 77 

Senlis, 249 
Sens, 69, 79, 87 



Sens, Archb. of, 101-2 

Sheriffs, 184-85, 187-88, 196-98, 
206-7 

Sheriff's aid, 61-62, 197-98 

Ships, 219, 221 

Shipway, The, 221 

Shrawardine, 36 

Shrewsbury, 244, 247 

Shropshire lead mines, 225 

Sicily, 150-51 

Silver mines, 202, 225 

Skating, 230 

Skenfrith, 36 

Smithfield horse fair, 229 

Society during the reign, 212-35 

Soissons, 82 

Song of Dermot and the Earl, 239 

Son of Orm, Gospatric. Sec Gos- 
patric 

Southampton, 58, 222, 242-44, 
247, 250 ; Cast., 131 

South Wales. -See Wales, South 

Spalding Priory, 21 

Stamford, 247; Cast., 11 

Stanstead, 248 

Stephen, King, agreement with 
Hen. II., 12 ; death, 13 ; forests 
relinquished by, 191 ; grants 
by, 17-19 ; Henry II. 's war with, 
3-6, 9-11 ; Lincoln tradition de- 
fied, 40 ; money, 207 ; revenues, 
195 

Stirling Cast., 144 

Stockport Cast., 130 

Stokes, 248 

Strongbow. See Richard Strong- 
bow 

Stuteville, Rob. de, 128, 140, 146 ; 
Rog. de, 134, 136 

Surrey, Hamelin, Earl of ; see 
Warenne, Hamelin, Earl of. 
Will., Earl of ; see Warenne, 
Will., Earl of 

Talachaen, 246 

Tallies, 207 

Tamworth, Ralph of, 83-84 
Tancarville, Will, de, 126, 214 
Tenants - in - chief, ecclesiastical, 

178 ; excommunication of, 67, 

181 



266 



INDEX 



Tenchebray, 249 
Tewkesbury, 242 

Alan of, 238 

Theobald, Archb. of Canterbury. 

See Canterbury 
Thetford, 242 ; Cast., 145 
Thirsk Cast., 130, 139, 142, 145 
Thomas of Canterbury, St. See 

Canterbury, Thos. Becket, 

Archb. of 
Thomond, King of, 118 
Thorney, 241 ; Abbey, 21 
Thouars, 44, 242, 244 
Tiernan O'Rourke, King of 

Breifny, 105, 112 
Tin mines, 225-26 
Tinteniac, 245 
Titgrave, 247 

Topographia Hibemica, 238 
Torigny, Rob. of, 237 
Torkil's son, Hasculf. Sec Hasculf 
Toulouse, 45-46, 57, 204, 243 

Count of, 166 

Touques, 244 
Touraine, 168, 242 
Tournaments, 215-16 
Tours, 171, 244-45, 247 

Steph. of, 169 

Tracy, Will, de, 96, 98 

Trade and industries, 222-26 

Tregoz, Rob., 127 

Trenchemer, Will., 32 

Trial by jury, 179-80, 190-91 

Trihan, Will., 173 

Trinity Sunday, 53 

Turlogh O'Conor, Irish Ard-Righ, 

105 
Turville, Geoff, de, 145 
Tutbury Cast., 130, 142, 145 
Tyre, Archb. of, 165 

Ugoccione, Cardinal, 149 
Ullerwood Cast., 130 
Ulster, 113, 116, 121 
Umfraville, Odinell (al), de, 128, 

139-40 
Urban III., Pope, 121, 165 
Usurers. See Money-lending 
Uzerche, 243 

Vagabonds, 185 



Valasse, 249 

Valognes, 245-47, 249 

Vannes, 245 

Vaudreuil, 250 

Vaux, Hub. de, 6; Rob. de, 134 

137, 139 
Vendome, 245-46 
Venedotia. See Wales, North 
Verdon, Bertram de, 146 
Vere, Aubrey de, Earl of Oxford. 

See Oxford 
Verneuil, 132, 246, 248 
Vesci, Will, de, 128, 134, 136, 

140 
Vexin, the, 7, 243-44 ; Norman, 

47 
Vezelay, 172 ; abbey of, 82 
Victor III., anti-Pope, 46, 80-81 
Viel, John le, 176 
Vigeois, 246 

Villeins, 233 ; ordination of, 67 
Vita Hugonis, 239 
Vivian, Cardinal, 87 

Wales, bibliography, 238 ; 
Church, sec Church, the Welsh ; 
crusade preached in, 166 ; de- 
scription, 26-30 ; mercenaries, 
45, 48, 142 ; wars in, 30-39, 51, 
112 

North (Venedotia), 27, 242 

South (Demetia), 27, 106 

Wallingford, 10, 22, 242-43 ; Cast., 
10, 131 

Waltham, 248 

Bishops, 249 

Abbey, 153-54 

Walton, 134; Cast., 131, 134, 
146 

Wareham, 6, 9 

Warenne, Hamelin, Earl, 62, 76, 
127; Isabel, Ctss., 62; Will., 
Earl, 11-14, 24, 62 

Reynold de, 49, 93 

Wark, 136; Cast., 131, 134 

Warkworth Cast., 134 

Warwick Cast., 11, 131 

Earl of, 6 ; Gundreda, Ctss. 

of, 11 ; Ctss. of, 202 

Waterford, 108, 110-13, 116-20, 
246 ; synod of, 114-15 



INDEX 



267 



Weavers, 223 

Wells, 242 

Welsh Church. See Church, the 
Welsh ; mercenaries. See Wales, 
mercenaries ; wars 

Westbourne, 248 

Westminster, 23, 51, 150, 241-45, 
247-50 ; Abbot of, 199 ; Council 
at (1163), 64 

Westmoreland, 25, 127, 134 

Weston Cast,, 145 

Wexford, 107, 110-13, 115-18, 
246 

Wigmore, 242 ; Cast., 21 

William (the Lion), King of Scot- 
land (1173), 127, 133-34, 136-37, 
139-40, 143-44, 164, 166 

King of Sicily, 150 

son of Henry II., 22 

grandson of Hen. II., 157 

son of Rob. of Normandy, 1 

son of King Stephen. See 

Warenne, Will., Earl of 

of Pavia, Cardinal, 47, 84 

Winchelsea, 221, 251 

Winchester, 12, 22, 94, 124, 166, 
241-42, 246-51 ; Cast., 131 ; de- 
scription, 222-23 ; fires, 230-31 

bpric, 201 

Hen.. Bp. of, 3, 11, 22, 52, 

56-57, 71, 73, 95, 112, 203; 



Rich, of Ilchester, Bp. of 

(Archd. of Poitiers), 80, 83, 87, 

128, 137 
Windsor, 242-45, 247-50; Cast., 

131 
Wine trade, 222, 226 
Wisbeach, Cast., 131 
Wissant, 93, 242, 250 
Witham Priory, 154-55, 214 
Woodstock, 35, 40, 105, 155, 164, 

192, 197, 210, 242, 244, 247-48, 

250-51 
Wool, 226 
Worcester, 41, 223, 242, 249-50 ; 

Cast., 131 

Bp. of, 79, 102, 124, 162 

Wurzburg, 80 
Wye, 248 

Yarmouth, 220 

York, 146-47, 241, 243, 247, 249 ; 

aid paid by, 203 ; Cast., 131 

archbpric, 74, 201 

Rog. of Pont l'Eveque, 

Archb. of, 52, 56, 65, 69, 74, 79, 

90-91, 93-94, 149, 158, 203 

Lefwin of, 199 

Yorkshire, lead mines, 225 

Earl of. See Aumale, Will., 

Ct. of 
Yvor the Little, 33-34 



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